By Henok Tadele There is a familiar pattern in the way many Western media organizations report on Africa. When African nations collapse, they are headlines. When African nations rebuild, they are footnotes. When African states conduct elections amid challenges, the challenges become the story. When Western democracies face similar conditions, resilience becomes the story. A growing number of Western media narratives covering Ethiopia’s election—from CNN to The Economist and other international outlets, reflect this broader and familiar framing. At first glance, these reports appear to be straightforward election coverage. Yet beneath the polished language lies a recurring assumption: that Ethiopia’s seventh general election is not a democratic exercise but a “coronation.” The problem is not criticism. Democracies need criticism. The problem is selective storytelling and externally defined standards of legitimacy. A nation of more than 130 million people, preparing one of Africa’s largest electoral exercises, deserves to be examined through facts—not through a narrative written before the first ballot is cast. The Missing Ethiopia Readers of these reports may come away believing Ethiopia is a nation defined solely by conflict. Yet another Ethiopia exists. It is the Ethiopia that has spent the last several years rebuilding itself while simultaneously confronting war, drought, global economic turbulence, and the lingering effects of a pandemic. It is the Ethiopia constructing industrial parks, expanding digital infrastructure, liberalizing key sectors of its economy, launching a securities exchange, modernizing financial systems, planting billions of trees through the Green Legacy Initiative, and transforming major urban centers through ambitious corridor development projects. It is also the Ethiopia preparing one of the largest democratic exercises in Africa. This raises a legitimate question. Why now? Why is Ethiopia once again being portrayed primarily through the lens of crisis precisely at a moment when it is taking off in multiple directions—economic reform, infrastructure expansion, institutional modernization, and democratic participation? No serious observer would suggest that Ethiopia has solved all its problems. It has not. But neither can a nation of more than 135 million people be reduced to a single narrative of conflict and instability. Constructive criticism is essential. Selective criticism is something different. The real Ethiopia contains both challenges and achievements. Yet too often, international audiences are shown only one side of that story. Development Is Not a Social Media Filter Perhaps the most revealing phrase in these reports is the description of Addis Ababa’s transformation as a “social media-friendly narrative of progress.” The choice of words is telling. A narrative is a story. Infrastructure is a reality. Roads are not narratives. Parks are not narratives. Expanded airports, digital payment systems, industrial parks, and a stock exchange are not narratives. Neither are the billions of trees planted through the Green Legacy Initiative. These are measurable developments visible to citizens, investors, and visitors alike. The transformation taking place in Addis Ababa is not occurring on social media. It is occurring on the ground. Millions of residents use newly built roads, public spaces, and digital services every day. Major economic reforms, airport expansion projects, capital market development, and investment reforms are not public relations campaigns; they are policy decisions with real economic consequences. One may debate whether these reforms are sufficient or whether they benefit everyone equally. But questioning their existence is another matter entirely. Ethiopia’s development story is not complete, and serious challenges remain. Yet it is difficult to dismiss visible infrastructure, measurable economic reforms, and urban transformation as mere optics. These are not Instagram filters. They are realities experienced by millions of Ethiopians every day. Nor is Addis Ababa an exception; corridor development projects are reshaping major cities and towns across Ethiopia, improving urban mobility, public spaces, and infrastructure on a scale unprecedented in the country’s modern history. The Election They Forgot to Describe For all its skepticism, much of this coverage spends remarkably little time discussing the election itself. The scale of Ethiopia’s seventh general election is extraordinary by any standard. More than 54 million Ethiopians have registered to vote, up significantly from the approximately 38 million registered in the previous election. The addition of over 16 million new voters within a single electoral cycle reflects expanding political participation and makes this one of the largest electoral exercises ever conducted on the African continent. The election is being conducted with participation from 42 political parties and dozens of independent candidates. Altogether, more than 10,000 candidates are competing for seats in federal and regional institutions, giving voters a wide range of political choices. Equally significant is the role of civil society. More than 169 accredited civic organizations are engaged in voter education, while 55 domestic observer organizations have deployed over 64,000 observers nationwide. International observation missions from the African Union and IGAD are also present, adding further transparency to the process. These are not the characteristics of a political coronation. They are the characteristics of a large-scale democratic exercise involving millions of voters, thousands of candidates, and extensive observation mechanisms operating at national scale. Comparing the Seventh Election with the Past Democracy is not measured against perfection. It is measured against progress. A fair question is therefore not whether Ethiopia’s seventh general election is flawless, but whether it is improving compared to previous cycles. The answer is clearly yes. For decades, Ethiopian elections were criticized for limited competition, restricted civic participation, and weak institutional capacity. Today, political participation is broader, observation mechanisms are stronger, and electoral administration is more institutionalized. Even opposition voices quoted in these reports acknowledge increased competitiveness compared to earlier elections. If competition is expanding and participation is increasing, then Ethiopia is not moving backward. It is moving forward—unevenly, imperfectly, but forward nonetheless. The War They Discuss Without Context CNN repeatedly associates Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed with the Tigray conflict while devoting little attention to how the war began. History cannot be selectively edited. The conflict erupted following attacks on the Northern Command of the Ethiopian National Defense Force in November 2020. No serious discussion of the war can omit that reality. One may debate the government's response. One may criticize military decisions. One may question political choices. But journalism becomes advocacy when it removes the event that triggered the conflict itself. Complex wars require complex explanations. Simplistic villains may satisfy headlines, but they rarely satisfy history. Equally absent from the article is adequate recognition of the peace process that followed. The Pretoria Peace Agreement, brokered under African leadership, demonstrated that Africans could resolve African conflicts through dialogue and negotiation. Despite inevitable challenges in implementation, the agreement ended one of the deadliest conflicts in recent history and opened a pathway toward national reconciliation. That achievement deserves acknowledgment as well. A Curious Double Standard When countries such as India, Nigeria, Colombia, or Pakistan conduct elections while confronting security challenges, Western media often celebrate democratic resilience. When Ethiopia does the same, the election itself becomes suspect. Why? No country suspends democracy simply because security problems exist. In fact, democratic processes often become more important during periods of national difficulty. Ethiopia's decision to proceed with elections despite significant challenges should be viewed as an affirmation of constitutional governance, not evidence against it. The exclusion of some constituencies due to security concerns is not proof of electoral illegitimacy. It reflects the practical reality that elections require minimum conditions of safety and accessibility. Similar decisions have been made in democracies across the world when extraordinary circumstances prevent voting from taking place in specific locations. The Voices Missing from the Story The CNN article quotes opposition figures, exiled analysts, and former officials. Their perspectives deserve to be heard. But where are the ordinary Ethiopians? Where is the farmer voting for the first time? Where is the young woman serving as an election official? Where is the university graduate contesting local office? Where is the entrepreneur who believes economic reforms are creating new opportunities? Where are the millions of citizens who continue to engage with the democratic process despite the challenges facing their country? A democracy cannot be understood solely through the opinions of political elites. The ultimate judges of Ethiopia's future are not foreign commentators. They are Ethiopian citizens. Beyond the Narrative No serious observer would claim Ethiopia has solved all its problems. Conflict remains. Political disagreements remain. Economic pressures remain. Democratic institutions remain a work in progress. But none of these realities erase another reality. More than 54 million Ethiopians have registered to vote. Thousands of candidates are competing for office. Tens of thousands of domestic observers are monitoring the process. International observer missions are present. Civil society organizations are engaged. Electoral institutions are stronger than they were in previous decades. Political competition is broader than it was in previous eras. These are not signs of democratic collapse. They are signs of democratic evolution. Tomorrow, tens of millions of Ethiopians will participate in one of the largest elections on the African continent. They will cast their ballots not because their democracy is perfect, but because they believe their future should be decided through ballots rather than bullets. That is not a coronation. That is a choice. The tragedy of the CNN article is not that it criticizes Ethiopia. The tragedy is that it sees only Ethiopia's wounds and refuses to acknowledge its recovery. History will not judge this election by headlines written in distant newsrooms. History will judge it by whether Ethiopians continue expanding political participation, strengthening institutions, modernizing their economy, and resolving differences through constitutional means. That journey is far from complete. But it is underway. And that story deserves to be told too.

Addis Ababa, May 31, 2026 — Ethiopia is moving rapidly out of poverty toward the promised land of prosperity, according to Emeritus Professor Al Mariam. Emeritus Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam, widely known as Al Mariam, wrote: “There is no question Ethiopia is now marching fast out of the land of poverty into the promised land of prosperity." Citing the continued backing from international institutions, he said global partners are supporting Ethiopia’s homegrown economic reforms. The World Bank is assisting reforms aimed at transitioning Ethiopia to an inclusive, private-sector-led economy, while the IMF is providing financing linked to debt restructuring and market liberalization. The European Union also restored confidence in Ethiopia’s reform program, pointing to the resumption of direct budget support in April 2026 after a five-year suspension. Al Mariam further highlighted recent diplomatic economic engagement, including the signing of a “Bilateral Structured Dialogue (BSD) Framework” between Ethiopia and the United States. The framework is set to guide cooperation in three areas: economic prosperity and trade/investment, defense and security, and regional peace and stability, he added. He noted that Ethiopia’s Homegrown Economic Reform program, launched in 2019, has driven a shift from a largely state-led model toward a market-oriented and private-sector-led economy. The reform has included floating the birr, easing foreign exchange controls, and opening sectors such as banking, telecommunications, and real estate to foreign competition. On economic performance, export revenues have risen from under 3 billion USD to about 10 billion USD, supported by a reported 10.2 percent expansion in industrial production capacity. Ethiopia has generated nearly 15 billion USD in import-substitute goods over four years and pointed to strengthened performance in agriculture, mining, and manufacturing, with gold exports rising sharply to account for 42 percent of export revenue. In his article, the Emeritus Professor further noted that the completion of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and additional major hydropower projects—along with other energy sources including solar, wind, thermal, and nuclear, are potentials to expand export earnings. He projected an estimate of about 1 billion USD annually from electricity exports once key facilities come online. Aviation and infrastructure ambitions are advancing, Al Mariam wrote, referencing reported earnings of nearly 8 billion USD in 2025 for Ethiopian Airlines, and ongoing work on the largest airport in Africa. Urban and security improvements in Addis Ababa, where major transformation efforts including the Corridor Development Project and Riverside Initiative, have resulted in wider roads, dedicated bus lanes, pedestrian and cycling routes, and new public amenities, he stated. Police adoption of advanced technology is contributing to safer streets and improved crime prevention. The Emeritus Professor finally emphasized the need for unity and national teamwork, stressing that Ethiopia’s progress depends on shared effort and integrity, and that prosperity will be achieved through collective action and fraternity.

Addis Ababa, May 31, 2026 — Ethiopia has entered the final hours before voting begins in its 7th General Election, with millions of citizens set to head to the polls on June 1, 2026, in what many regard as a significant moment in the country's democratic journey. Following weeks of political campaigning, public debates, and the legally mandated period of electoral silence, election materials have been successfully delivered to polling stations across the country, paving the way for voting to commence tomorrow. As election day approaches, the atmosphere has shifted noticeably. The energy of campaign rallies and political slogans has given way to a sense of quiet anticipation as voters prepare to make their choices at the ballot box. Across Ethiopia, from major cities to remote rural communities, electoral preparations have reached their final stage. Election officials, security personnel, observers, and polling staff are in place to facilitate what is expected to be one of the largest electoral exercises in Africa. The election is widely viewed as more than a routine political event. For Ethiopia, one of Africa's most populous and strategically significant nations, it represents an important institutional process that will shape the country's political landscape for years to come. The scale of the election is reflected in the numbers. More than 54 million registered voters are expected to participate, choosing among candidates representing 42 political parties. Over 10,000 candidates are contesting seats, while approximately 52,000 polling stations have been established nationwide to accommodate voters. With international observers on the ground and extensive coverage from both domestic and international media outlets, the election is attracting significant attention at home and abroad. Analysts describe it as one of the continent's most closely watched democratic exercises, given Ethiopia's regional influence and growing geopolitical importance. Voting is scheduled to begin at 6:00 a.m. on June 1, with polling stations across the country expected to open their doors simultaneously to millions of voters ready to cast their ballots and participate in shaping the nation's future.

By Selamawit Getachew As Ethiopia prepares for its seventh general election on June 1, 2026, international commentary often focuses narrowly on security challenges, neglecting the broader context and positive developments within the country. While global conflicts, ranging from regional wars to geopolitical tensions—create a turbulent backdrop, it is important to recognize that Ethiopia is still functioning effectively despite these pressures. Democracy should not be viewed solely as a final state that a country either “has” or “does not have,” especially when many nations facing war, censorship, and polarization still identify as democratic. Ethiopia, in particular, is a nation building institutions in a difficult era, evidenced by its expanding electoral participation, digital systems, and administrative capacity. Recent coverage tends to emphasize conflict, restrictions, and ruling party dominance, often overstretching concerns into narratives of collapse. However, the scale of voter registration—more than 54 million citizens, a 32% increase from 2021—and high turnout rates—historically above 80%—demonstrate a resilient civic engagement and institutional capacity. The presence of numerous political parties also indicates a pluralistic political landscape, contrary to the simplified ‘one-party’ narrative. Ethiopia’s ongoing infrastructure projects, digital governance, and regional influence, exemplified by the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, further highlight a nation actively shaping its future. The negative narratives are partly driven by geopolitical interests, as Ethiopia’s strategic importance in the Horn of Africa attracts external scrutiny and contestation. Despite external pressures, Ethiopia continues to build capacity and sustain its democratic processes, offering an important counterexample for Africa, where democracy is often portrayed as fragile. The 2026 election thus serves as a significant test of large-scale participation and institutional resilience, illustrating that even under internal and external strain, a country can expand civic engagement and uphold constitutional procedures. Ultimately, Ethiopia’s experience underscores that institutional growth and democratic participation are possible in challenging environments, making its election a vital reference point for the continent’s political development. The scale of civic and logistical mobilization demonstrates the magnitude of this national exercise. Over 54 million registered voters have claimed their democratic right across vast and geographically diverse territories. A total of 10,934 candidates are participating, forming a highly competitive field that reflects a broad spectrum of political thought. In addition, 42 political parties and 80 independent candidates are actively vying for legislative representation. Out of the 547 total seats in the House of People’s Representatives, 501 seats are being contested, with 2,198 candidates running for federal parliament and 8,736 competing for various Regional Council positions. These figures reflect a nation deeply committed to institutionalizing governance through the ballot box. They represent a clear assertion that political legitimacy must derive from the consent of the governed, rejecting the notion that power can be obtained through intimidation, violence, or armed coercion.

Addis Ababa, May 31, 2026 — In the 2026 Ethiopian general election that takes place tomorrow, Ethiopians have a clear choice: Terrorism or collective inclusive prosperity, according to Emeritus Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam, widely known as Al Mariam. In his recent article, Al Mariam argued that Ethiopia’s democratic direction is centered on citizens’ consent through voting—warning against the idea that political power can be achieved through violence. He contrasted ballot-based governance with the belief that “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun,” describing it as a dead end that leads to death and destruction. Emeritus Professor Al Mariam accused armed groups of conducting terrorism and violence against civilians and public institutions, attacking communities, and carrying out the destruction of services such as education and health facilities. The groups share common goals of using terror to seize political power while pursuing supremacist ethno-nationalist agendas, he noted. Al Mariam further criticized citizens who do not vote for surrendering their influence over outcomes such as access to healthcare, education, employment opportunities, and broader freedoms. He wrote: "Over the past months, some people have told me, 'I am not interested in politics. I don’t care. I mind my own business. "I am not sure if they are apolitical or suffering from political apathy. I am not sure if their apparent lack of interest or indifference is an outcome of their cynicism over political affiliations, elections, or disagreements over policy. "The fact is, such apathy or indifference carries a high price. Those who are not interested in politics, those who do not want to use the power of their ballot, are surrendering control of their lives to those who are interested. Those who vote will decide the standard of living, access to health care, education, and employment opportunities, and the rights and freedoms of those who are not interested in politics. " Al Mariam pointed out that the 2026 Ethiopian general election will serve as a referendum on Ethiopia’s path for the next five years—whether the country continues dealing with a legacy of violence and intimidation or moves forward through democratic governance, inclusive dialogue, and improved accountability and transparency. In the run-up to June 1, 2026, the election is shaping up the contest for seats and leadership as well as testing citizens in translating their consent into power through the ballot rather than through coercion. Furthermore, he cited Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), 1948, which states that government authority must be based on the “will of the people,” expressed through periodic and genuine elections by universal and equal suffrage conducted by secret vote or equivalent free procedures. For this election, more than 54 million voters are registered to select 501 representatives for seats at the House of the People’s Representatives.

Addis Ababa, May 31, 2026 —Ethiopia has now entered the final stretch of a historic democratic moment, the close of the mandatory electoral silence that follows weeks of intense campaigning, fierce debates, and competing visions from 42 political parties ahead of the June 1 General Election. In this brief pause, the noise of slogans has faded and the political streets have grown unusually quiet, not from apathy, but from anticipation. It is a silence filled with reflection—a national moment in which millions of citizens weigh promises against realities, and aspirations against experience. Across towns and villages, from early morning conversations to late-night thoughts, voters are no longer persuaded by speeches or rallies. Instead, they are guided by memory, judgment, and hope. And now, as dawn approaches, Ethiopia stands at the edge of decision. Tomorrow morning, millions will no longer speak in words or arguments, they will speak in ballots, shaping the country’s next chapter with a single, collective voice. Across Ethiopia’s vast geography, from bustling cities to remote rural communities — preparations for the country’s 7th General Election have reached final stage. What is unfolding is more than a routine electoral exercise. It is a defining institutional moment for one of Africa’s largest and most strategically significant nations. With more than 54 million registered voters expected to participate, the election, as pointed out by foreign observers, is one of the continent’s most consequential democratic process. It reflects not only political competition but also the growing operational maturity of Ethiopia’s electoral institutions. Ahead of the polls, the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) announced the successful completion of all logistical and operational preparations for the historic vote. NEBE Chairperson Melatwork Hailu stated that the Board has finalized every major phase of the electoral process, officially transitioning into the final implementation stage. According to the Board, Monday’s vote represents a substantial institutional advancement compared to previous electoral cycles, marked by broader political inclusion, improved technological systems, stronger administrative coordination, and expanded public participation. A closer examination of the electoral framework reveals a striking trajectory of institutional progress. Unlike previous elections, the 7th General Election has demonstrated higher levels of logistical readiness, digital modernization, media inclusivity, and regulatory sophistication. The process reflects a state institution that has evolved significantly in both organizational capacity and democratic administration. First Time Use of Digital Voter, Candidate Registration Systems One of the most notable transformations has been NEBE’s introduction of digital voter and candidate registration systems for the first time in Ethiopia’s electoral history. Through the “Mirchaye” (“My Election”) mobile application, citizens were able to register digitally using smartphones, while tablets distributed to polling officials enabled in-person registration nationwide in partnership with Ethio Telecom. The transition from paper-based systems to digital infrastructure significantly reduced bureaucratic delays, minimized logistical inefficiencies, and improved transparency. In addition, election materials, including sensitive ballots printed abroad under secure arrangements, have already been distributed across constituencies nationwide. Candidate registration, voter registration, and the establishment of special polling stations were all completed within the planned operational timeline. Civic organizations and election observers have described the digital transition as a major qualitative leap for Ethiopia’s electoral administration, helping modernize election management while expanding accessibility across geographically challenging regions. Wide Political and Media Space Another defining feature of the 7th General Election has been the unprecedented expansion of political participation and public debate. For the first time in Ethiopia’s history, NEBE directly organized and supervised nationwide political debates in collaboration with the Ethiopian News Agency (ENA). Under the initiative, 19 nationally broadcast debate forums were conducted in five languages across public and private media platforms. The debates brought together political parties, civil society representatives, academics, and university students to deliberate on key national issues. A total of 33 political parties participated in discussions covering 19 major policy areas, presenting competing visions and programs before the electorate. To ensure equitable political competition, NEBE also allocated free campaign airtime to political parties, including 782.5 hours of radio broadcasting, 520 hours of television airtime, and 576 newspaper columns. In parallel, more than 220,000 party representatives, 64 media institutions, and 1,814 journalists received accreditation to monitor and report on the election process. Voter Sovereignty and Institutional Neutrality As the country approaches election day, NEBE has introduced additional safeguards aimed at protecting voter independence and reinforcing public trust in the process. Following the conclusion of the nationwide debates, the Board officially declared the beginning of the electoral silence period — a mechanism designed to allow voters adequate time for reflection free from political pressure or last-minute campaigning. The Board has also strengthened its complaint-handling procedures by assigning independent, politically unaffiliated professionals to oversee electoral grievances and disputes. Domestic civic participation has similarly expanded. NEBE granted voter education licenses to 169 civil society organizations, with 114 receiving financial support from the Board. Observer accreditation was also issued to 55 domestic civil society organizations to enhance transparency and public oversight. These measures collectively indicate a broader institutional effort to reinforce electoral neutrality, accountability, and citizen confidence. Pan-African Partnership and Continental Confidence Beyond domestic preparations, the election has also attracted significant continental engagement, underscoring growing African ownership of democratic processes across the region. The African Union Election Observation Mission (AUEOM), led by former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, deployed 73 short-term observers drawn from 37 African countries, with women comprising 61 percent of the mission. Similarly, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) Election Observation Mission — led by former Ugandan Vice President Speciosa Wandira-Kazibwe and former Speaker of Djibouti’s National Assembly Mohamed Ali Houmed — deployed regional experts to observe polling-day procedures and assess electoral compliance. Guided by continental democratic frameworks, including the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, these missions reflect a broader continental commitment to supporting credible African-led democratic institutions. Their presence also signals growing regional confidence in Ethiopia’s electoral process and institutional capacity. A Defining Moment As Ethiopians prepare to vote on June 1, the country’s 7th General Election stands as more than a political contest. It represents a test of institutional endurance, democratic administration, and national coordination on a massive scale. The combination of expanded voter participation, digital modernization, broader political engagement, strengthened oversight mechanisms, and continental observation reflect a significant evolution in Ethiopia’s democratic architecture. With more than 54 million citizens registered to vote, the election is increasingly being viewed as a major indicator of the country’s institutional trajectory and a demonstration of how electoral systems in Africa can evolve through domestic reform, technological adaptation, and growing continental partnership.

Addis Ababa, May 31, 2026 —Former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, who is leading the African Union Election Observation Mission (AUEOM), met today with representatives of the African Diplomatic Corps in Addis Ababa as Ethiopia prepares for its seventh general election scheduled for tomorrow June 1, 2026. The meeting brought together members of the African Union observer mission and representatives of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), who are in Ethiopia to support and monitor the electoral process.   According to mission officials, the discussions focused on exchanging views regarding Ethiopia’s current political and security situation, as well as assessing the country’s level of preparedness ahead of Monday’s vote. The African Union observer mission has already commenced a series of orientation and briefing sessions for its observers, covering Ethiopia’s political and legal framework, electoral procedures, and African Union standards and principles aimed at ensuring credible, transparent, and peaceful elections. The AU has deployed 73 short-term observers from 37 African countries, reflecting a strong continental commitment to African-led election observation and the promotion of democratic governance across the continent. Speaking ahead of the election, Kenyatta underscored the significance of Ethiopia’s vote not only for Ethiopians but also for Africa as a whole.   “Ethiopia is home to the continental organization, the African Union. Therefore, elections here in Ethiopia are important not only for the country but also for the entire continent,” he said. Kenyatta is heading the AU’s election observation mission tasked with monitoring Ethiopia’s seventh general election. The mission includes election experts, diplomats, civil society representatives, youth leaders, media professionals, and governance specialists from across Africa. The presence of continental observers highlights the importance attached to Ethiopia’s electoral process and reflects broader African efforts to support democratic institutions, electoral integrity, and peaceful political participation throughout the continent. With more than 54 million registered voters, the election marks a significant milestone in Ethiopia’s ongoing democratic journey and reflects one of the largest electoral exercises in the country’s history.

Addis Ababa, May 31, 2026 —Election materials are being distributed to polling stations in Degehabur town of the Somali region ahead of Ethiopia’s upcoming general election. Degehabur Constituency Logistics Officer Abdulfetah Mahamud said the distribution process is proceeding smoothly. According to Mahamud, Degehabur town has 38 polling stations, all of which are receiving the necessary election materials. Among them, Sahredin Jamal said he is looking forward to casting his vote and plans to arrive at the polling station early in the morning. Similarly, Said Mohammed said he is preparing to vote on Monday morning.   Sultan Shaker Abdi said he has already received his voter registration card and is awaiting Election Day, while Neima Heyru said she is ready to cast her vote in Ethiopia’s Seventh General Election. Voters across the country are expected to cast their ballots in Ethiopia’s Seventh General Election on Monday, June 1, 2026. Polling stations nationwide are scheduled to open at 6:00 a.m.   According to the National Election Board of Ethiopia, more than 54 million voters have been registered for the election.