By Staff Writer   October 15, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia’s new five-year political chapter opens with a defining national ambition: building a peaceful, democratic and prosperous state while pursuing sovereign access to the sea. Under the Medemer Government, the government is highly anticipated to translating its electoral mandate into tangible improvements in citizens’ lives while strengthening Ethiopia’s strategic position in the Horn of Africa. At the heart of this agenda lies Ethiopia’s sovereign sea access aspiration. As one of the world’s most populous landlocked countries, Ethiopia has a compelling economic interest in reliable access to maritime trade. Securing such access through mutually beneficial arrangements could ease logistical constraints, improve export competitiveness, attract investment and deepen regional economic integration. Yet, maritime access is part of a broader national transformation. The success of Ethiopia’s new political chapter will depend equally on consolidating peace, strengthening democratic institutions, advancing national reconciliation and building an inclusive economy. The Medemer philosophy, which emphasizes cooperation, synergy and collective progress, offers a framework for pursuing these priorities. Its credibility will ultimately rest on the government’s ability to translate political commitments into measurable results. Ethiopia’s domestic progress also carries regional significance. As host of the African Union headquarters and a major political and economic actor in the Horn of Africa, the country has both a strategic interest in regional stability and an opportunity to contribute to it. A stronger Ethiopia, supported by trusted institutions and a resilient economy, would be better positioned to advance its national interests while promoting peace and cooperation across the region. Sovereign Sea Access: A Strategic National Priority For Ethiopia, access to the sea is more than a question of geography. It is closely connected to security, trade, economic competitiveness, national development and long-term strategic interests. Dependence on external maritime corridors exposes the country’s economy to transport costs, logistical bottlenecks and disruptions in international trade. Reliable and diversified access to maritime infrastructure could help Ethiopian businesses reach international markets more efficiently, strengthen supply chains and improve the competitiveness of exports. Ethiopia must be an integral part of the Red Sea security architecture. As a major regional actor with longstanding contributions to peacekeeping under the United Nations and peace and security efforts across the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia has a compelling strategic interest in the security of this vital maritime corridor and a meaningful contribution to make. Excluding a country of Ethiopia’s regional significance from decisions affecting Red Sea security would leave a critical stakeholder outside a process with direct implications for its economic and national interests. Ethiopia should therefore have a meaningful seat at the table, enabling it to contribute to maritime security, protect international shipping, strengthen regional stability and help safeguard one of the world’s most strategically important waterways. Ultimately, the measure of progress will be whether Ethiopia can expand its maritime options, reduce trade constraints and strengthen its economic resilience while contributing to stability across the Horn of Africa. National Unity as Foundation of Strategic Ambition No national ambition can be sustained without internal stability and a shared sense of purpose. Ethiopia’s new political chapter must therefore begin with the responsibility to strengthen national unity, address longstanding grievances and rebuild public confidence. The country’s cultural diversity, complex history and competing political interests make inclusive state building essential. Unity cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires equal citizenship, constitutional protection, fair access to opportunities and institutions capable of managing disagreements peacefully. The Medemer approach can help create common ground among political parties, government institutions, civil society organizations, religious institutions, traditional leaders and communities. The national dialogue process offers an opportunity to address historical grievances, identify shared interests and build a stronger foundation for consensus. For this process to succeed, participation must be meaningful, diverse perspectives must be heard, and recommendations must inform practical reforms. National reconciliation should not be reduced to a political slogan; it must produce greater trust, improved relations among communities and more effective mechanisms for resolving disputes. Democratic Institutions: Turning the Mandate into Public Trust The durability of Ethiopia’s political transition will depend heavily on the performance of its democratic institutions. Parliament, the judiciary, electoral bodies and executive institutions must operate within their constitutional mandates and provide effective mechanisms for accountability. The House of Peoples’ Representatives has a responsibility not only to enact legislation but also to scrutinize government performance, examine public expenditure and ensure that national policies respond to citizens’ needs. Effective parliamentary oversight can help identify implementation gaps, improve public spending and strengthen accountability. An independent and accessible judiciary is equally important. Citizens must be able to seek remedies when their rights are violated, while disputes should be resolved through impartial legal procedures. Consistent application of the law would reinforce equal protection and improve confidence in public institutions. Political parties also have a responsibility to strengthen democratic practices by presenting credible policy alternatives, engaging in constructive debate and respecting constitutional procedures. The government, in turn, must protect lawful political participation, civic engagement and public criticism. Combating corruption, reducing administrative inefficiency and improving public services are equally important. Transparent procurement, responsible financial management and accessible complaint mechanisms would help ensure that public resources serve their intended purposes. These reforms are directly connected to Ethiopia’s broader strategic ambitions. Predictable institutions and accountable governance can strengthen investor confidence, improve the business environment and support the effective implementation of infrastructure and development projects. A government that earns public trust at home is also better positioned to build credible partnerships abroad. Democratic accountability is therefore not separate from national strategy; it is one of the foundations on which sustainable national progress depends. Economic Transformation and Building the Capacity for Sovereignty Ethiopia’s pursuit of sea access must be supported by an economy capable of turning improved connectivity into prosperity. Access to ports and international markets can create opportunities, but the benefits will depend on domestic productivity, competitive industries and the capacity to generate value. In this regard, Ethiopia’s “Made in Ethiopia” industrial movement is playing an important role in strengthening domestic production, advancing import substitution and expanding the country’s manufacturing capacity. By encouraging local industries to produce goods previously sourced from abroad, the initiative supports economic self-reliance, reduces import dependence and creates opportunities for domestic investment and job creation. Agriculture remains central to Ethiopia’s food security and economy. Under the Medemer philosophy, the country has made notable progress, particularly in wheat production. Expanding irrigation, mechanization, research and agro-processing can further boost productivity, reduce climate vulnerability and increase farmers’ incomes. Industrialization, manufacturing and digital transformation are equally vital to diversifying exports, creating jobs and strengthening domestic production. Reliable power, efficient logistics, access to finance and a skilled workforce will be essential to building competitive businesses. Improved maritime connectivity could lower trade barriers and connect Ethiopian producers to global markets, while stronger domestic industries would help the country capture greater value from international trade. Horn of Africa and Red Sea Region Cooperation for Shared Prosperity Ethiopia’s national future is closely connected to developments across the Horn of Africa. Conflict, displacement, food insecurity and climate pressures frequently cross borders, while political tensions can disrupt trade and threaten the livelihoods of border communities. The pursuit of sea access must therefore be approached within a wider framework of regional cooperation. Ethiopia’s strategic and economic interests must be connected to the Red Sea coast in the near future for mutual benefits. Port operations, transport corridors, logistics services and cross-border infrastructure can create commercial opportunities for participating countries. Improved connectivity can strengthen regional supply chains, expand markets and encourage investment in transport, manufacturing and trade-related services. A more stable and connected Horn of Africa would benefit Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations while supporting the development priorities of its neighbors. Ethiopia’s regional influence will therefore depend not only on the scale of its ambitions but also on its ability to build trust, sustain dialogue and demonstrate that cooperation can deliver tangible benefits. Climate Resilience and Water Security on Nile River Equally important to Ethiopia’s ambition for sovereign sea access, the new Medemer Government must maximize the development potential of the Abay (Blue Nile) River by advancing additional hydropower and irrigation projects. Harnessing this strategic resource is vital to expanding electricity generation, strengthening food security and accelerating economic transformation. Climate resilience remains central to this ambition. Droughts, floods and shifting rainfall patterns threaten agriculture, water supplies, infrastructure and livelihoods across the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia’s investment in hydropower and irrigation must therefore go hand in hand with sustainable water management, environmental protection and climate adaptation. For Ethiopia, maximizing the Abay River’s potential is not merely an energy or irrigation priority; it is a strategic pillar of economic sovereignty, food security and long-term national development. Youth and Women: Expanding the Foundations of National Progress Ethiopia’s young population represents a major opportunity for economic growth, innovation and national renewal. Realizing this potential requires more than expanding education; it demands relevant skills, productive employment, entrepreneurship and meaningful participation in public life. Limited employment opportunities can deepen frustration, particularly when young people feel excluded from decisions affecting their future. Investment in technical and vocational education, digital skills and employment-intensive sectors would help connect education with the needs of the economy. Stronger links between schools, universities, training institutions and employers could improve the transition from education to employment. Support for entrepreneurship and small businesses could also enable young people to turn their skills and ideas into productive economic activity. Youth participation is equally important in national reconciliation, community development and public debate. Providing meaningful opportunities for young people to contribute to public affairs would strengthen social cohesion and ensure that national policies respond to their priorities. Women’s participation is another essential component of inclusive development. Expanding access to education, employment, finance, public services and leadership would allow more citizens to contribute to national progress and strengthen household welfare. These investments have strategic significance. A skilled, productive and economically empowered population would strengthen domestic industries, improve export competitiveness and help Ethiopia benefit from expanded regional and international trade. National ambition becomes more sustainable when citizens have a genuine stake in its realization. Empowering young people and women is therefore not simply a social objective; it is an investment in Ethiopia’s productive capacity, stability and long-term prosperity. From National Ambition to Measurable Results The credibility of Ethiopia’s new political chapter will ultimately depend on implementation. The government must translate its priorities into clear targets, allocate resources according to national needs and establish mechanisms for assessing progress. Security, employment, public service delivery, institutional accountability and economic resilience should be central measures of performance. Public reporting would enable citizens to evaluate government commitments and identify areas requiring corrective action. Federal and regional authorities must coordinate their responsibilities while respecting constitutional mandates and local circumstances. Consultation with communities, businesses, professional associations and civil society can improve decision-making and help identify emerging problems. Efficient public financial management, stronger procurement systems and effective anti-corruption measures would help ensure that limited resources deliver meaningful results. The government must also balance long-term infrastructure investments with immediate public needs. Citizens expect improved access to health care, education, affordable food, employment and personal security. Progress in these areas will shape public confidence in the administration. Strategic ambitions and domestic responsibilities should reinforce each other. Maritime access can expand economic opportunities and its full value should depend on productive industries, capable institutions, skilled workers and a stable political environment. The ultimate test is whether national policies improve the lives of citizens while strengthening Ethiopia’s ability to pursue its interests through peaceful and constructive engagement. All in all, Ethiopia’s new five-year political chapter presents an opportunity to strengthen the foundations of a peaceful, democratic and prosperous state. Its success will depend on the government’s ability to translate its electoral mandate and the Medemer philosophy into tangible progress in national unity, security, institutional accountability and living standards. At the heart of the country’s strategic ambition is sovereign access to the sea. Pursued through mutually beneficial arrangements, maritime connectivity could help ease trade constraints, strengthen export competitiveness and deepen regional economic integration as well as ensure lasting peace. Beyond its borders, Ethiopia must strengthen constructive relations with neighboring states, advance cooperation on trade, infrastructure, energy and climate resilience, and support regional efforts to prevent conflict. Its engagement with the African Union and IGAD can help advance these goals when backed by consistent diplomacy and practical commitments. The government’s responsibility is therefore both national and regional: to build a state that citizens trust, an economy that expands opportunities and a foreign policy that advances national interests while respecting the legitimate interests of others. Sovereign access to the sea may be at the heart of Ethiopia’s national ambition, but national unity, democratic governance and economic transformation will determine its success. The defining measure of the Medemer State will be its ability to turn this ambition into lasting improvements in citizens’ lives while contributing to a more peaceful, stable and economically integrated Horn of Africa.

By Bruno Jomba October 14, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia is moving to capture more of the wealth beneath its soil, as a newly inaugurated precious metals refinery opens the door to a more value-driven future for the country’s mining industry. Inaugurated by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed at the Bole Lemi Special Economic Zone in Addis Ababa, the National Precious Metals Refinery marks a significant step in Ethiopia’s ambition to move beyond extracting mineral resources and expand its role in processing, refining and marketing them. For a country whose gold industry is generating growing foreign-exchange earnings, the facility addresses a longstanding gap in the mineral value chain: the limited capacity to refine precious metals domestically to the standards demanded by international markets. The distinction is economically important. Extracting gold generates revenue, but refining it and developing industries around it can create additional opportunities for investment, employment, technological advancement and industrial growth. With the new facility, Ethiopia is seeking to retain a greater share of that value at home while laying the groundwork for a more integrated mining industry. Located in the Bole Lemi Special Economic Zone, the refinery has a planned initial annual processing capacity of more than 600 tonnes of precious metals, with an estimated valuation capacity of about 80 billion US dollars annually. These figures refer to its stated processing and valuation capability, not Ethiopia’s annual gold output or projected export earnings.   The project is a joint venture between Ethiopian Investment Holdings (EIH), which holds a 51 percent stake, and Sam Precious Metals, which owns the remaining 49 percent. Beyond the inauguration, the facility raises a broader question for Ethiopia’s economic transformation: how can the country turn its growing mineral wealth into a stronger domestic industrial base? Keeping More of the Gold Economy at Home The real significance of the refinery lies in what happens to gold after it leaves the mine. Gold extracted from the ground often requires testing, smelting and refining before it can be transformed into bullion that meets the specifications of international buyers and financial institutions. These processes create economic value through technical expertise, quality assurance and specialized industrial services. When such facilities are unavailable domestically, producers must rely on processing services elsewhere, allowing other markets and businesses to capture part of the value generated by the mineral. The new refinery gives Ethiopia an opportunity to perform more of these activities within its own borders, potentially reducing dependence on foreign refining services and retaining a greater share of the economic benefits associated with its gold industry. At the inauguration, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed emphasized the importance of moving beyond the extraction and export of raw materials toward domestic processing and industrial production. That ambition reflects a wider development priority: natural resources should serve not only as sources of immediate revenue but also as foundations for building productive industries, developing technical expertise and expanding economic opportunities. For Ethiopia, refining gold locally could help establish stronger links between mining operations, laboratories, industrial services, manufacturing businesses and international markets. The objective, therefore, is not simply to process a valuable metal. It is to develop a broader economic ecosystem around it. Gold’s Growing Contribution to the Economy The refinery comes as gold assumes an increasingly important role in Ethiopia’s efforts to expand mining revenues and generate foreign currency.   According to performance figures presented by Ministry of Mines earlier, Ethiopia produced approximately 44 tonnes of gold during the concluded fiscal year, generating a record 5.65 billion US dollars in foreign-exchange earnings. The figures underscore the growing importance of gold to the national economy and the need to develop the infrastructure required to process, certify and market production efficiently. As output expands, domestic capacity for assaying, refining, secure storage and quality certification becomes increasingly important. International buyers need confidence in the purity, traceability and handling of the gold they purchase. A modern refinery could help connect Ethiopian producers with these requirements, potentially making parts of the process between extraction and sale more efficient. It could also provide a domestic destination for producers seeking professional testing and processing services, helping strengthen the organization of the gold market. However, the scale of the economic benefits will depend on several factors, including the refinery’s operating costs, the amount of gold processed, the quality of its output and the commercial terms offered to producers. Domestic refining capacity alone does not automatically guarantee higher export earnings or greater profitability. Its importance lies in providing infrastructure through which Ethiopia can pursue those gains while developing more expertise and capacity within its own economy. Beyond Gold: Building a Broader Industrial Base The refinery’s potential reaches beyond the immediate business of processing precious metals. A competitive refining industry depends on a network of supporting activities, including laboratory analysis, metallurgy, equipment maintenance, secure logistics, storage and specialized technical services. These requirements can create opportunities for domestic businesses and professionals as the industry develops. Universities and technical institutions could also play a greater role in training chemists, metallurgists, engineers and laboratory specialists, helping build the skills required to sustain modern mineral-processing operations. One particularly promising opportunity lies in the development of Ethiopia’s jewelry and precious-metals manufacturing industries. Access to refined gold of known purity could support businesses seeking to produce jewelry, investment bars and other finished products. Such activities offer opportunities to capture value not only from the metal itself but also from design, craftsmanship, quality assurance, branding and market access. Instead of relying predominantly on the export of a mineral commodity, Ethiopia could gradually expand its participation in the industries that transform that commodity into higher-value products. This transition would require more than a refinery. Downstream businesses would need access to finance, reliable supplies of refined metal, skilled workers, appropriate technology and competitive domestic and international markets.   Nevertheless, the new facility provides an important foundation from which such industries could grow. Can Ethiopia Become a Regional Refining Hub? Ethiopia’s geographical position and air transport connections could also create opportunities to serve precious-metals producers beyond its borders. The refinery’s location in the Bole Lemi Special Economic Zone places it within reach of Addis Ababa Bole International Airport and Ethiopian Airlines’ extensive cargo network. These connections could support the secure movement of precious metals and related products, although competitiveness would also depend on logistics costs, security arrangements and regulatory requirements. Across the continent, substantial mineral resources coexist with a persistent challenge: much of the value generated through advanced processing and manufacturing is captured beyond the countries where those resources originate. Expanding domestic and regional processing capacity could help African economies retain more of that value, develop technical capabilities and strengthen industrial cooperation. For Ethiopia, becoming a major regional refining centre would require more than installing modern equipment. The facility would need to establish credibility with international buyers, meet relevant market standards, attract a dependable supply of precious metals and compete effectively with established refining centres. The potential is significant, but realizing it will depend on operational performance, commercial discipline and sustained investment. Technology, Skills and Knowledge Transfer The refinery also offers Ethiopia an opportunity to develop technical expertise that could benefit the wider mining sector. Precious-metals refining involves sophisticated metallurgical processes, accurate laboratory analysis, strict quality controls and secure management of high-value materials. Operating such a facility requires a workforce with specialized skills and the ability to maintain consistent technical standards. Through the joint venture, Ethiopian engineers, chemists, technicians and other professionals could gain experience in modern refining operations and related technologies. The long-term value of that opportunity will depend on the extent to which local employees develop advanced skills, assume technical and managerial responsibilities, and transfer their knowledge to other parts of the economy. Effective knowledge transfer could help Ethiopia build the domestic expertise needed to operate and expand mineral-processing industries rather than remain dependent on external technical support. These capabilities could also support the development of other mineral resources, where testing, processing technology, industrial management and quality assurance are essential to improving productivity and competitiveness. In this sense, the refinery’s contribution could extend beyond the value of the gold it processes. It could also help build the human capital required for a more technologically capable mining industry. From Mineral Wealth to Lasting Economic Value For Ethiopia, the National Precious Metals Refinery represents an important addition to the infrastructure needed to transform mining into a stronger pillar of economic development. The distinction between extracting resources and developing industries around them is fundamental. Extraction brings minerals to the surface; processing, manufacturing and specialized services create further opportunities to generate income, employment and technical capabilities. The refinery provides Ethiopia with a new platform to pursue those opportunities. Its ultimate contribution, however, will depend on how effectively it is integrated into the domestic mining industry and connected to regional and international markets. Reliable supplies of gold, competitive operating costs, internationally accepted quality standards, transparent commercial arrangements and strong local skills development will all be essential to realizing its potential. There is also a broader economic imperative: the benefits of mineral wealth must extend beyond export receipts to support productive investment, local enterprises and sustainable employment. Ethiopia has taken an important step toward capturing more value from its precious metals. The next challenge is to turn that new capacity into a competitive industry—one that strengthens the mining sector, expands domestic expertise and creates opportunities further along the value chain. The measure of the refinery’s success will ultimately be not simply how much gold passes through its facilities, but how much lasting economic value Ethiopia can build around it.

By Temesgen Assefa   October 14, 2026 (ENA) As Africa grapples with persistent conflicts, geopolitical rivalries and economic vulnerabilities, Ethiopia is preparing to host a high-level continental gathering aimed at advancing African-led solutions to the continent’s peace and security challenges. The 12th Tana High-Level Forum on Security in Africa, scheduled for October 23–25 in Bahir Dar, comes at a critical juncture when the relationship between political stability, economic sovereignty and global power competition is increasingly shaping Africa’s future. Under the theme “Pathways to Peace in Africa: Economic Sovereignty and Geopolitical Transformation,” the forum will bring together political leaders, policymakers, researchers and security experts to explore ways to strengthen continental cooperation and turn shared priorities into practical action. For Ethiopia, hosting the forum represents more than an opportunity to convene influential African voices. It reinforces the country’s contribution to continental diplomacy and provides a platform to advance dialogue on the structural challenges confronting the Horn of Africa and the wider continent. Established in 2012, the Tana Forum has developed into a platform for examining Africa’s security challenges through African perspectives, bringing together diverse stakeholders to explore the causes of conflict and pathways toward sustainable peace. Its central question remains pressing: how can Africa move beyond managing recurring crises to building the political, economic and institutional foundations for lasting stability? African Solutions to African Challenges Across Africa, conflicts rarely emerge in isolation. Political exclusion, weak institutions, competition over resources, economic inequality and unresolved grievances can combine to create conditions in which instability persists long after the immediate outbreak of violence. The consequences extend far beyond battlefields. Conflict displaces communities, disrupts trade, discourages investment, weakens public institutions and diverts resources from essential services and development. In regions already facing climate-related pressures and economic uncertainty, insecurity can further undermine livelihoods and deepen vulnerabilities. Addressing these challenges requires more than military responses or emergency interventions. Sustainable peace depends on preventive diplomacy, inclusive political processes, accountable institutions and economic opportunities that enable communities to participate meaningfully in national development. This is where African ownership becomes particularly important. African countries and regional institutions possess valuable knowledge of the historical grievances, political dynamics and local realities underlying many conflicts. Strengthening their capacity to anticipate crises, mediate disputes and support peacebuilding can help produce responses better suited to the continent’s circumstances. African-led solutions, however, do not require Africa to act alone. International partnerships remain important in providing expertise, investment and diplomatic support. Their effectiveness depends on whether they reinforce African priorities and institutional capacity rather than displace local leadership. By bringing together political leaders, scholars and security practitioners, the Tana Forum offers an opportunity to bridge policy discussions and practical experience, encouraging approaches that address not only the symptoms of insecurity but also its underlying causes. Ethiopia’s Strategic Role in Continental Diplomacy Ethiopia occupies a strategically significant position in the Horn of Africa, a region where political developments, security concerns and economic interests are deeply interconnected. Its hosting of the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa has also established the country as an important center for continental diplomacy. Against this backdrop, the Tana Forum complements formal diplomatic engagements by providing space for deeper reflection on emerging security trends, regional tensions and the structural conditions shaping peace and stability. Hosting the gathering in Bahir Dar also extends continental dialogue beyond Ethiopia’s political capital, connecting high-level discussions with a city that provides a distinctive setting for exchanges on Africa’s future. For Ethiopia, the forum offers an opportunity to contribute to continental thinking on conflict prevention, regional cooperation and the relationship between security and development. It can also help strengthen engagement among policymakers, researchers and practitioners whose collaboration is essential to addressing complex regional challenges. Yet the significance of hosting an international forum is measured not simply by the prominence of its participants or the breadth of its discussions. Its real value lies in whether the ideas generated influence policies, strengthen partnerships and contribute to tangible progress. Ethiopia’s contribution to continental diplomacy will therefore depend on sustained engagement, constructive dialogue and the ability to connect discussions at platforms such as Tana with broader peacebuilding initiatives. Why Regional Cooperation Matters The Horn of Africa illustrates how closely national security is tied to regional stability. Political tensions, armed conflicts, terrorism, climate-related pressures and economic vulnerabilities can cross borders, creating consequences that no country can effectively manage in isolation. Insecurity in one country can trigger displacement into neighboring states, disrupt commercial routes and undermine regional investment. Disagreements over shared resources and competing strategic interests can also strain relations, making cooperation more difficult precisely when it is most needed. For Ethiopia, regional stability is closely linked to economic development, diplomatic relations and the prospects for deeper integration across the Horn of Africa. Stronger cross-border trade, transport connectivity, infrastructure development and cooperation in managing shared resources can generate economic opportunities while reinforcing mutual interests among neighboring countries. Conversely, prolonged tensions can increase costs, weaken confidence and constrain the region’s development potential. The challenge is to establish mechanisms through which countries can manage disagreements peacefully, prevent local disputes from escalating and identify areas of common interest despite political differences. The Tana Forum provides a platform for examining these possibilities. Through dialogue and the exchange of policy experiences, participants can explore how neighboring states and regional institutions can strengthen preventive diplomacy, improve coordination and develop approaches that address both immediate security threats and their deeper causes. In a region shaped by overlapping national interests and wider geopolitical competition, sustained engagement is not merely a diplomatic preference; it is an essential component of lasting stability. Economic Sovereignty as a Foundation for Peace The 12th Tana Forum’s focus on economic sovereignty highlights an often-overlooked dimension of African security: the ability of countries to build resilient economies and exercise meaningful choices over their development priorities. Across the continent, external debt pressures, limited industrial capacity, dependence on commodity exports and exposure to volatile international markets can constrain governments’ policy options. These vulnerabilities may limit investment in public services, infrastructure and productive sectors, while reducing the resources available to address security challenges. Economic dependence can also narrow a country’s room for maneuver as global powers compete for access to natural resources, markets, infrastructure and strategically important locations. Such competition presents Africa with both opportunities and risks. Foreign investment, technology transfer and international partnerships can support industrialization and economic transformation. However, when external interests overshadow African development priorities, these relationships can intensify rivalries and limit the benefits available to local economies. Economic sovereignty, therefore, should not be understood simply as reducing external dependence. It also involves strengthening domestic productive capacity, mobilizing resources, developing effective institutions, expanding regional markets and negotiating international partnerships that advance long-term development objectives. These priorities have direct implications for peace and security. Where economic opportunities are limited and inequalities persist, social grievances can deepen and political tensions may become more difficult to resolve. By contrast, inclusive economic growth, stronger institutions and improved access to livelihoods can help create conditions more conducive to stability. For Ethiopia and its neighbors, greater cooperation in trade, infrastructure, energy and resource management can strengthen economic resilience and reinforce shared interests in peace. Regional economic integration can also create incentives for dialogue by demonstrating the practical benefits of stability. The forum’s theme consequently points to a broader strategic reality: Africa’s ability to safeguard peace is closely connected to its capacity to shape its economic future and navigate an increasingly competitive international environment. From Dialogue to Measurable Action For all the importance of continental dialogue, Africa’s peace and security agenda continues to face a fundamental challenge: translating policy commitments into results on the ground. High-level gatherings can build trust, generate ideas and establish common priorities. But their impact ultimately depends on implementation, institutional coordination and sustained political commitment. Governments, the African Union, regional organizations, research institutions and other stakeholders all have roles to play in connecting policy discussions with practical responses. Stronger cooperation can improve early warning systems, support mediation efforts, strengthen conflict prevention and encourage evidence-based approaches to peacebuilding. Research institutions can help identify the drivers of instability and assess which interventions are effective. The experiences of communities affected by conflict can also inform policies that respond to local realities rather than relying exclusively on high-level assessments. Equally important is continuity. Recommendations emerging from forums such as Tana need to inform subsequent policy discussions, institutional partnerships and concrete initiatives. Progress should be assessed not only through declarations and commitments but also through improvements in cooperation, conflict prevention and the capacity of institutions to respond to emerging threats. For Ethiopia, helping strengthen these connections would enhance the forum’s contribution to continental diplomacy and support wider African efforts to build sustainable peace. The test of the Bahir Dar gathering will ultimately be whether its discussions help move the continent closer to solutions that can be implemented, sustained and adapted to changing circumstances. Strengthening Africa’s Path to Peace Africa’s peace and security challenges are inseparable from its economic prospects, political institutions and position in a changing global order. Addressing them requires a comprehensive approach that combines preventive diplomacy, inclusive governance, regional cooperation and sustainable development. The 12th Tana High-Level Forum is highly anticipated to provide an opportunity to advance that approach by bringing African perspectives to the center of discussions on the continent’s future. For Ethiopia, hosting the forum reinforces its engagement in continental affairs and creates space to promote cooperation among African partners. For the wider continent, the gathering offers an opportunity to examine how economic sovereignty, strategic partnerships and stronger regional institutions can contribute to a more stable and resilient future. Ultimately, Africa’s pursuit of peace cannot rest on dialogue alone. It requires political will, institutional capacity, economic opportunity and a sustained commitment to resolving disputes through peaceful means. As participants gather in Bahir Dar, the challenge will be to transform a shared commitment to African ownership into practical action—strengthening institutions, deepening regional cooperation and addressing the structural conditions that allow conflicts to persist. The enduring significance of the Tana Forum will lie not simply in the conversations it generates, but in the progress those conversations help make possible: an Africa better equipped to manage its own security challenges, shape its geopolitical future and ensure that peace and development advance together.

By Staff Writer Global affairs during the week of October 4 to 10, 2026, were shaped by security tensions, diplomatic efforts to contain conflicts, economic uncertainty and mounting climate risks. Developments in the Middle East and Eastern Europe underscored the challenges of protecting civilian populations, maintaining international trade and safeguarding economic stability amid geopolitical uncertainty. Meanwhile, warnings of a potentially powerful El Niño event heightened concerns about food security and extreme weather, while preparations for the United Nations climate conference, COP31, gained momentum. Economic policymakers also faced mounting questions over public debt, energy costs, financial stability and the implications of rapid technological advancement. Middle East Tensions Security tensions involving Saudi Arabia and Yemen intensified following missile attacks on Riyadh's airport that reportedly killed four people and damaged an airliner, according to Reuters reporting on October 10. The attacks were attributed to Houthi rebels backed by Iran. Saudi Arabia responded with strikes on Houthi missile positions, while airlines adjusted flight schedules and European governments issued travel warnings. Despite the heightened security concerns, organizers said the World Petroleum Congress would proceed in Riyadh from October 10 to 14. The Future Investment Initiative, scheduled for later in October, was also expected to go ahead, reflecting Saudi Arabia's determination to maintain its position as a major destination for international energy and investment gatherings. The developments highlighted the close relationship between regional security and global economic confidence. Threats to aviation, shipping and critical infrastructure can raise insurance premiums, disrupt commercial operations and discourage investment, with potential consequences for energy markets and international trade. The situation also demonstrated how instability in strategically important regions can generate economic repercussions far beyond the immediate conflict zone. Ukraine War Diplomatic efforts to end the Russia Ukraine war continued as United States officials held discussions with European and Ukrainian representatives. Washington described the talks as productive, with the aim of identifying a path toward a lasting settlement before winter. However, the diplomatic engagement unfolded alongside continued violence. Al Jazeera reported on October 10 that Russian attacks had killed 20 people in Ukraine, underscoring the persistent gap between negotiations and realities on the battlefield. The prospects for a settlement remain significant for European security and the wider international economy. The conflict has implications for energy supplies, agricultural markets and international relations, making its resolution a matter of concern well beyond the two countries. The central challenge is to translate diplomatic contacts into a durable agreement that addresses security concerns, reduces hostilities and establishes conditions for lasting peace. Global Economy The world economy continued to face uncertainty stemming from geopolitical tensions, energy costs, borrowing conditions and mounting public debt as policymakers prepared for international economic discussions. Reuters reported that the upcoming annual meetings of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank would take place against a challenging economic backdrop. Global growth, debt sustainability and geopolitical risks were expected to feature prominently in discussions as the IMF prepared an updated World Economic Outlook. These pressures are particularly consequential for developing economies that depend heavily on imported fuel, food and industrial inputs. Higher energy prices can increase transportation and production costs, intensify inflationary pressures, strain foreign exchange reserves and make debt repayment more difficult. Governments therefore face the difficult task of containing inflation while sustaining investment, employment and essential public services. The international meetings also offer an opportunity to examine how multilateral financial institutions can support countries facing high borrowing costs, limited fiscal space and growing development needs. The broader challenge is to strengthen economic resilience in an increasingly uncertain international environment without undermining long term development priorities. El Niño Risks The World Meteorological Organization warned that El Niño could persist until February 2027 and potentially become one of the strongest events recorded since 1950. According to a WMO bulletin reported by Reuters, sea surface temperatures in the central and eastern tropical Pacific could reach 3.7 degrees Celsius above normal during October to December. The phenomenon is expected to influence rainfall patterns across the world, increasing the risk of drought in some regions and excessive rainfall in others. The potential consequences extend to agricultural production, water availability and public health, particularly in countries already grappling with drought, flooding and inadequate infrastructure. Poor harvests could intensify food insecurity, while heavy rainfall could damage homes, roads and essential services. Communities dependent on rain fed agriculture are especially vulnerable because changing rainfall patterns can undermine livelihoods and reduce food production. Strengthening early warning systems, improving water management and expanding climate resilient farming practices will be essential to reducing these risks. Governments and humanitarian organizations must also ensure that climate forecasts inform timely interventions, helping communities prepare for potential crop losses, water shortages and displacement before conditions deteriorate. Climate Diplomacy International climate negotiations gained momentum as delegates gathered in Fiji for a preparatory meeting ahead of COP31, scheduled to take place in Antalya, Türkiye, in November. COP31 President and Turkish Climate Minister Murat Kurum warned that limiting global warming was a matter of survival. His remarks followed a visit to Tuvalu, where low lying communities face growing threats from rising sea levels and coastal flooding. Reuters reported on October 8 that a joint declaration by 30 countries at the preparatory meeting called for deep, rapid and sustained emissions reductions. Representatives of Pacific island nations also pressed for increased climate resilience financing and stronger ocean protection measures. The discussions highlighted persistent disagreements over climate responsibilities, financial commitments and the pace of global action. Vulnerable countries continue to seek greater financial and technical support, while governments face mounting pressure to accelerate emissions reductions and fulfil existing commitments. For Pacific island nations, climate change threatens not only natural ecosystems but also housing, food production, freshwater supplies and the long term viability of communities. COP31 will provide an important test of whether international commitments can be translated into measurable emissions reductions, dependable financing and practical adaptation measures. The challenge extends beyond negotiating new commitments. Countries must also ensure that existing pledges produce tangible benefits for communities already experiencing the effects of climate change. Children at Risk The anticipated El Niño event has also raised humanitarian concerns over its potential impact on children, particularly those living in areas vulnerable to drought, flooding and food insecurity. Inter Press Service reported on October 9 that UNICEF projections indicated the 2026 to 2027 climate cycle could threaten the health, safety, education and development of more than 347 million children worldwide. Extreme weather can disrupt school attendance, limit access to clean water and healthcare, and worsen malnutrition. Children in low income households are particularly vulnerable when climate shocks undermine family livelihoods and place additional pressure on already strained public services. Drought can deepen food shortages and increase the risk of malnutrition, while flooding can damage schools, health facilities and sanitation systems. Climate related displacement may further interrupt education and expose children to additional protection risks. These threats underline the importance of integrating child protection, education and healthcare into disaster preparedness and climate adaptation strategies. Governments, humanitarian agencies and development partners need to strengthen early warning systems, reinforce essential services and ensure that assistance reaches vulnerable communities before emergencies escalate. Protecting children from climate related shocks is not only an immediate humanitarian priority but also an investment in the long term social and economic resilience of affected countries. Aviation Security The security situation in the Middle East highlighted the exposure of international aviation and commercial transport to geopolitical shocks. Following the attacks on Riyadh, some airlines suspended or adjusted flights, while travelers faced warnings and alternative travel arrangements. The disruptions coincided with preparations for major international gatherings in Saudi Arabia, including the World Petroleum Congress. Organizers maintained that the events would proceed with additional security arrangements. Such incidents can disrupt business travel, tourism and logistics while increasing operating costs for airlines and other transport providers. They can also undermine confidence among investors and international businesses that depend on predictable travel conditions and reliable supply chains. For countries seeking to attract foreign investment and expand international trade, dependable transport networks and secure infrastructure are essential. Effective security planning and international coordination are therefore necessary not only to manage immediate threats but also to preserve the connectivity on which modern commerce depends. The episode illustrates how localized security incidents can affect international business activity, particularly when they occur near major transport hubs or in strategically important regions. Artificial Intelligence Artificial intelligence continued to feature in discussions about productivity, investment and financial regulation as policymakers assessed the opportunities and risks associated with rapid technological change. Reuters' market briefing identified AI regulation as an issue likely to feature in international economic discussions, particularly amid technological competition between the United States and China. The briefing also highlighted concerns about public debt, borrowing costs and volatility in bond markets. AI offers considerable potential to improve manufacturing, financial services, healthcare and public administration. However, its rapid expansion raises questions about electricity demand, digital infrastructure, cybersecurity, employment and the concentration of technological power among a relatively small number of companies and countries. For developing economies, the priority is to harness these technologies without widening existing digital inequalities. Investment in electricity generation, telecommunications infrastructure, digital skills and appropriate regulatory frameworks will be critical to expanding access to technological opportunities and supporting domestic innovation. The challenge for policymakers is to create conditions in which technological progress contributes to productivity, employment and inclusive development while addressing risks to economic security and social welfare. Conclusion The developments of October 4 to 10 illustrated the increasingly close links between international security, economic stability and environmental resilience. Conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine continued to threaten civilian safety and commercial activity, while geopolitical uncertainty and rising economic pressures complicated efforts to sustain growth and protect vulnerable economies. At the same time, El Niño warnings and preparations for COP31 reinforced the urgency of climate adaptation, emissions reduction and humanitarian preparedness. Projections concerning the potential impact on millions of children further highlighted the need to protect vulnerable populations from extreme weather and disruptions to essential services. Taken together, these developments demonstrate how crises can cross borders and compound existing vulnerabilities. Conflict can disrupt energy supplies and transport networks, climate extremes can undermine agricultural production and food security, while financial instability can constrain public investment and development spending. Rapid technological change presents further opportunities but also demands careful regulation and broader access to infrastructure and skills. Addressing these challenges will require sustained diplomacy, stronger international cooperation and practical policies that strengthen resilience while protecting vulnerable populations. Ultimately, the effectiveness of global responses will depend on whether governments and international institutions can move beyond declarations and negotiations to deliver measurable improvements in security, economic stability and human welfare. Sources: The roundup draws on reporting and background information from Reuters, AP, BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera, France 24, DW, The Guardian, The New York Times, The Washington Post, Financial Times, Bloomberg, CNBC, The Economist, The Wall Street Journal.

By Staff Writer From a renewed five-year political mandate and a reconstituted cabinet to strategic partnerships across Africa and Asia and major development milestones, Ethiopia’s October 4–10 week set the tone for a new chapter of governance, transformation and global engagement. Ethiopia closed a consequential week of political transition, institutional renewal and high-level diplomacy, laying the groundwork for a new five-year chapter under the Medemer Government. The reappointment of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, parliamentary endorsement of a renewed federal cabinet, expanding international partnerships and major economic initiatives collectively underscored the country’s ambitions to accelerate national transformation and strengthen its regional and global standing.   The week’s political momentum began with the opening of the new parliamentary year, setting the direction for the next phase of the Medemer Government. President Taye Atske Selassie’s address emphasized national unity, lasting peace, economic consolidation and institutional resilience as Ethiopia seeks to advance its development agenda and safeguard its sovereignty. A defining milestone was the swearing-in of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed for a new five-year term, establishing the political foundation for the incoming administration. Parliament subsequently endorsed the new federal cabinet, marking a critical step toward translating the government’s mandate into policies, institutional reforms and tangible development outcomes. In its first regular session of the seventh parliamentary term, the House of Peoples’ Representatives endorsed the appointment of 22 federal cabinet ministers nominated by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The selection process considered educational qualifications, professional experience and demonstrated implementation capacity, alongside the importance of gender, ethnic and religious diversity. The appointments are intended to strengthen public service delivery and advance national interests in line with the expectations of citizens who participated in the June 1 General Election, in which more than 54 million people were registered to vote.   Diplomacy, meanwhile, emerged as a defining force in Ethiopia’s engagement with the wider world. Prime Minister Abiy’s talks with Nigerian Vice President Kashim Shettima in Addis Ababa highlighted the potential to deepen cooperation between two of Africa’s major political and economic players. Discussions explored opportunities in trade, investment and continental integration, reinforcing the importance of stronger African partnerships in unlocking shared prosperity and advancing the continent’s development aspirations.   Ethiopia’s engagement with India added another strategic dimension to the week. In his meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar, Prime Minister Abiy explored avenues for expanding bilateral cooperation in trade, higher education, cultural exchange and digital transformation. The discussions reflected the longstanding relationship between the two countries and their shared interest in opening new frontiers of strategic cooperation.   At the same time, Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable and sovereign access to the sea remained prominent in the national conversation. Former Speaker of the House of Peoples’ Representatives Abadula Gemeda reaffirmed the country’s determination to advance its strategic interests, underscoring the importance of maritime access to Ethiopia’s economic future, regional connectivity and geopolitical aspirations. Water diplomacy also featured prominently. Water and Energy Minister Habtamu Itefa highlighted Ethiopia’s efforts to assess the economic costs and lost development opportunities associated with obstacles to Nile-related projects. The initiative brought renewed attention to Ethiopia’s pursuit of equitable water utilization and its determination to advance development projects that serve its population while supporting regional cooperation. Economic transformation gained further momentum with a major step in mineral value addition. The inauguration of a National Precious Metals Refinery at the Bole Lemi Special Economic Zone marked progress toward expanding domestic mineral processing, retaining more value within the national economy and strengthening foreign-exchange earnings. By developing its capacity to refine precious metals domestically, Ethiopia is pursuing a broader industrial ambition: moving beyond raw-material exports toward higher-value production, investment and job creation.   Environmental sustainability offered another important highlight. International forestry specialists and United Nations experts commended Ethiopia’s Green Legacy Initiative for its contribution to ecological restoration and climate resilience. The initiative continues to reinforce Ethiopia’s ambition to align economic development with environmental protection while advancing its wider climate and sustainability commitments. Peacebuilding and humanitarian response remained equally important to the national agenda. The National Rehabilitation Commission called on remaining armed militants in Tigray to surrender their weapons and join the rehabilitation and demobilization process, highlighting the continuing importance of peacebuilding and reintegration. Meanwhile, the federal government continued emergency assistance to communities affected by recent climate-related challenges, reflecting the need to combine long-term development with timely responses to humanitarian needs. Preparations to observe the Seventh National Cybersecurity Month and the 19th National Flag Day further highlighted the importance of digital security, national identity and consensus-building as Ethiopia navigates an increasingly complex domestic and international environment. Taken together, the developments of October 4–10 reveal a government beginning its new term amid high public expectations, significant economic ambitions and a demanding regional geopolitical landscape. Cabinet renewal and institutional reform are central to the domestic agenda, while engagement with Nigeria and India demonstrates Ethiopia’s continuing efforts to diversify partnerships and expand its diplomatic reach.   The broader challenge will be to translate political commitments and diplomatic momentum into measurable improvements in citizens’ lives, stronger institutions, sustainable economic growth and lasting peace. As the Medemer Government begins its five-year journey, Ethiopia’s direction will be shaped not only by its pursuit of sovereignty and international influence, but also by its capacity to deliver inclusive development and turn national ambitions into tangible results.

By Staff Writer   October 11, 2026 (ENA) Since the emergence of its modern state, Egypt has never been a loyal neighbor or a sincere partner in the Nile Basin. Instead, it has consistently acted according to the logic of a colonial power seeking to subjugate Ethiopia and impose an empty form of guardianship over its resources and future. The record of successive Egyptian governments is filled with disappointments and sinister conspiracies aimed at obstructing the development of the Ethiopian people and depriving them of their natural right to development. Yet all these schemes have repeatedly shattered against the solid rock of Ethiopian sovereignty and its proud history. The early ambitions of the Egyptian regime became evident in the 1870s, when Cairo followed Khedive Ismail’s dream of establishing a vast empire at the expense of Ethiopian blood and rights. The Egyptian regime dispatched two massive, heavily armed military campaigns toward the rugged Ethiopian highlands, only to face a devastating Ethiopian response. At the Battle of Gundet in 1875, the Egyptian army suffered its first crushing blow of arrogance at the hands of Ethiopian heroes, resulting in the complete collapse of the invading forces. The Battle of Gura in 1876 was an even greater defeat, as the Egyptian army was virtually annihilated and hundreds of its soldiers were captured under the blows of Ethiopian forces. The remnants of the Khedive’s army fled, leaving behind the enduring disgrace of defeat. These resounding historical blows demonstrated to Egypt that it was far weaker than Ethiopia in direct confrontation, prompting it to retreat into political cowardice and turn submissively toward shadow warfare and proxy wars. Egypt did not content itself with the bitterness of military defeat. It subsequently revealed an overtly colonial face in the aftermath of the Second World War. When Egypt was among those opposing, within the corridors of the United Nations, the return of Eritrea to Ethiopia, the international community rejected its ambitions and issued a decision in 1952 establishing a federation between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Because Egypt never accepted a strong or stable Ethiopia, it quickly moved to undermine and dismantle the federal arrangement from within by adopting policies aimed at fracturing Ethiopia’s social fabric.   With President Gamal Abdel Nasser coming to power in the mid-1950s, Egypt officially became a principal host of the Eritrean rebellion and a major financier of separatist movements. The Eritrean Liberation Front was established and used the Egyptian capital as a principal base for its activities beginning in July 1960, receiving comprehensive financial, logistical, and training support to fracture the territorial unity of northern Ethiopia. Egypt did not stop there. A massive media apparatus, particularly the Voice of the Arabs radio station, was mobilized to broadcast messages of fragmentation, inflame divisions, and attempt to strategically suffocate Ethiopia from its maritime flank. This systematic support continued for decades with the aim of tying Ethiopia’s hands and keeping it preoccupied with exhausting internal conflicts that would obstruct any genuine path to development. The conspiracies did not stop at supporting armed groups. They extended into the corridors of international and financial organizations through questionable means, using Egyptian influence in an attempt to economically subjugate Ethiopia. In this context, the controversial role of prominent Egyptian figures such as Boutros Boutros-Ghali stands out. Boutros-Ghali, a former Egyptian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs who later became Secretary-General of the United Nations, used Egyptian diplomacy to impose a suffocating financial blockade and arbitrarily deny Ethiopia international loans and financing from the World Bank and major financial institutions for infrastructure projects and dams on the Aba (Nile River), in a desperate attempt to entrench unilateral colonial dominance. Recent regional developments reveal growing risks from Egypt’s efforts to form a coordinated front against Ethiopia’s rise. The quadrilateral summit hosted by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi in New Alamein on October 4, 2026, with the participation of Egypt, Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea, has raised concerns that Cairo is seeking to intensify regional pressure on Ethiopia under the guise of security cooperation. The summit’s focus on Nile waters, Red Sea security, and coordination among governments raises serious questions about the strategic objectives of this alignment. These moves come amid Egypt and Eritrea are supporting anati-peace forces seeking to destabilize the country. The convergence of diplomatic pressure, regional military coordination, and allegations of support for armed groups poses risks as Ethiopia pursues its development ambitions and seeks reliable sea access through dialogue. Rather than accepting Ethiopia’s growing economic and strategic influence as a reality requiring constructive engagement, Egypt risks deepening regional divisions and undermining stability in the Horn of Africa. Yet no summit or political alignment can erase Ethiopia’s sovereign interests or derail the aspirations of its people to strengthen the country’s standing and influence across Africa. All in all, decades of carefully orchestrated conspiracies, proxy wars, and attempts at diplomatic and economic isolation have only made Ethiopia more resilient, self-reliant, and strong. Throughout history, the courageous Ethiopian people and their leadership have demonstrated that the will of free people can overcome all forms of hostility and disguised guardianship. Ethiopia’s continued advance today in its major national development projects, driven by the efforts of its own people, represents the greatest rebuke and decisive response that permanently shatters the illusions of Egyptian dominance and affirms that Ethiopian sovereignty is a red line that cannot be violated. Ethiopia’s recent sovereign measures are fully consistent with this historical approach. On October 1 of this year, Ethiopia took a decisive decision to close its embassy in Asmara and declared ten Eritrean diplomats persona non grata, giving them 48 hours to leave the country, following their involvement in activities deemed to pose a direct threat to Ethiopia’s national security and in escalating hostile acts. On the same day, Ethiopia declared Egyptian diplomat Ahmed Moharam Ahmed Suleiman persona non grata and also demanded that he leave the country within 48 hours. These firm sovereign measures are nothing more than the natural outcome and direct response to Egypt’s continued policies of using Eritrea as a proxy to destabilize the Horn of Africa, in a desperate attempt to obstruct Ethiopia’s progress as it continues to flourish and grow into an emerging diplomatic, economic, and military power firmly rooted in the African continent.

By Yordanos D.   October 10, 2026 (ENA) For generations, Abay (Blue Nile) has been treated primarily as a dispute over water. For Ethiopia, however, the river represents something much larger: a question of development, sovereignty and the right of a nation to transform its natural resources into a better future for its people. Most importantly, the country considers such development on Abay would accelerate regional integration in the region and beyond. In a country confronting persistent food insecurity, expanding energy demand, rapid population growth, industrialization pressures and the effects of climate variability, the ability to store and use water is inseparable from the ability to generate electricity, irrigate farmland, produce food, create jobs and build a productive economy. This broader perspective is essential to understanding Ethiopia’s long and often difficult engagement with the Nile. The dispute did not begin with the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). It is rooted in a much older regional order shaped by colonial-era arrangements, unequal political influence and competing interpretations of rights over the river. Ethiopia was not a party to the 1929 Anglo-Egyptian Nile arrangement or the 1959 Egypt-Sudan agreement, yet the legacy of these agreements has continued to influence political arguments over the use of the Nile. The central question has therefore never been simply how much water Ethiopia should use, but whether historical arrangements can continue to constrain the development choices of an upstream country whose economic and social needs have changed fundamentally. The struggle has also had a financial dimension. Development can be constrained not only by physical obstruction but by the political environment surrounding finance, investment and international institutions. Ethiopia’s experience with major water infrastructure has repeatedly demonstrated the difficulty of converting technical potential into completed development projects when financing becomes entangled with geopolitics. The GERD consequently acquired significance far beyond its engineering dimensions. It became a test of whether Ethiopia could mobilize its own people, institutions and financial resources to undertake a strategic national project when access to conventional external financing was politically complicated. The completion of the GERD has changed that equation, but it has not ended the larger development challenge. Ethiopia still requires additional water infrastructure to address electricity shortages, expand irrigation, strengthen food security, manage floods and droughts, support industrialization and create the conditions for sustained economic growth. The question now is how the country can move from one landmark project to a broader, financially sustainable and environmentally responsible water development strategy while maintaining cooperation with downstream states. At the same time, the Nile question has become increasingly intertwined with the geopolitics of the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia’s growing economic capacity, its expanding electricity exports, its pursuit of regional integration and its efforts to secure reliable and mutually beneficial access to the Red Sea have altered the strategic calculations of neighboring states and external powers. This must therefore be understood within a wider contest over development, economic influence and regional order. This does not make confrontation inevitable. On the contrary, Ethiopia’s strongest long-term position lies in combining development with diplomacy. Equitable and reasonable utilization of shared water resources can provide a foundation for cooperation if all basin countries recognize that the Nile must support both existing needs and legitimate future development. The river need not remain a source of perpetual rivalry. With investment, scientific cooperation, transparent information sharing and mutually beneficial energy and agricultural systems, it can become an engine of regional economic integration. The story of Ethiopia’s Nile policy is consequently not simply the story of a dam. It is the story of a country seeking to overcome historical development constraints, strengthen financial autonomy and transform natural resources into productive capacity. The GERD is one chapter in that story. The larger challenge is whether Ethiopia can build a new generation of water, energy and agricultural infrastructure that turns its rivers into foundations for food security, industrialization, employment and regional prosperity. Financial Dimension The financial dimension of this history is especially important. Development can be constrained without a single dam being physically attacked or a construction site being closed. Diplomatic opposition to external financing can increase political risk, discourage lenders and investors, and make major infrastructure projects more difficult and expensive to develop. Academic and policy literature has documented claims that Egypt used diplomatic influence to discourage international financial institutions from supporting upstream Nile projects. Research during the GERD era has also described lobbying involving institutions such as the African Development Bank, World Bank and European Investment Bank. Such claims should be examined project by project and supported by documentary evidence. Nevertheless, the broader historical pattern is significant. Ethiopia’s efforts to convert its water resources into electricity and irrigation have repeatedly encountered geopolitical resistance. This history helps explain the significance of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. When conventional external financing proved difficult to secure, Ethiopia increasingly turned to domestic mobilization. Citizens purchased bonds and contributed through savings and donations, while the government and state institutions mobilized substantial domestic resources. The GERD consequently became more than an infrastructure project. It became a demonstration of Ethiopia’s capacity to finance a strategic national undertaking despite difficulties in securing conventional international project finance. Reflecting on this domestic achievement, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed emphasized, “For 14 years, millions of ordinary citizens contributed to finance the construction of GERD, ranging from farmers and daily laborers to students and civil servants." Economic Accountability The issue has now entered a new phase. In October 2026, Water and Energy Minister Habtamu Itefa announced that Ethiopia had established a national committee to assess economic losses and foregone development opportunities associated with water projects that Ethiopia says were “blocked or obstructed by Egyptians.” According to the minister, the committee had identified more than 22 projects, including the GERD. "Number one is to identify and to claim the total amount of loss that they have imposed on Ethiopia because of our development. We have prepared as many projects as possible which they have opposed, including the GERD,” he said. The significance of this initiative extends beyond the question of compensation. It represents an attempt to quantify a dimension of the Nile dispute that has often remained political and rhetorical: the development opportunities Ethiopia says it lost because of external opposition. If properly documented on a project-by-project basis, such an assessment could provide a more concrete basis for understanding how diplomatic pressure, financing constraints and geopolitical competition affected Ethiopia’s infrastructure development over several decades. Water Infrastructure, and Food Security Ethiopia has repeatedly stated that completing one dam does not exhaust its development needs. A country of more than 120 million people facing rapid urbanization, industrialization, food insecurity and rising electricity demand cannot reasonably be expected to freeze its water infrastructure at the level that existed before the GERD. The country needs more electricity for households, schools, hospitals, irrigation systems, industrial parks, manufacturing facilities, transport infrastructure and digital services. It also needs reliable water storage to reduce its dependence on increasingly unpredictable rainfall. The nation is widely described as the “Water Tower of East Africa” because of its substantial highland rainfall and extensive river systems. Yet possessing water resources is not equivalent to having usable water infrastructure. The country’s major river basins contain substantial hydropower, irrigation and water supply potential, much of which remains underdeveloped. The development gap is particularly visible in electricity access and agricultural productivity. Millions of Ethiopians have historically depended on traditional biomass for cooking and household energy, while electricity consumption per person remains low by international standards. At the same time, much of the agricultural economy continues to depend on seasonal rainfall, leaving millions of farmers exposed to drought, irregular rainfall and increasingly severe climate shocks. Properly designed multipurpose reservoirs can provide electricity, irrigation, domestic water supply, flood regulation and drought management simultaneously. They can create infrastructure for agricultural commercialization and industrialization while reducing the volatility created by seasonal rainfall. Agriculture remains central to Ethiopia’s economy and employment structure. Yet rain-fed farming leaves millions of farmers exposed to climatic uncertainty. Expanding irrigation can fundamentally change this equation. Multipurpose dams connected to modern irrigation networks can allow farmers to move from dependence on a single rainy season toward more reliable and, where conditions permit, multiple cropping cycles. The objective should therefore not simply be to build more reservoirs. It should be to create integrated water and agricultural systems in which storage, irrigation, roads, electricity, markets, storage facilities and agro-processing develop together. Building Hydrological Buffers Ethiopia’s rainfall is highly seasonal and geographically uneven. Large volumes of annual runoff occur during a relatively short rainy season, while many areas experience extended dry periods. This creates a fundamental water management challenge: substantial quantities of water can arrive within weeks or months, while communities and farms require reliable supplies throughout the year. Storage infrastructure provides one mechanism for managing this imbalance. Well-designed reservoirs can capture part of the excess water during periods of heavy rainfall and release it gradually during dry periods. They can moderate flood peaks, improve irrigation reliability and support electricity generation when natural river flows decline. The value of storage is likely to become increasingly important as climate variability intensifies. Ethiopia cannot control global climate change, but it can strengthen its capacity to manage its consequences through reservoirs, watershed restoration, irrigation, soil conservation, early warning systems and improved hydrological forecasting. Dam construction must therefore be accompanied by serious watershed management. Afforestation, soil conservation, erosion control and sediment management are essential because the long-term performance of reservoirs depends not only on engineering design but also on the condition of the watersheds that feed them. Equitable Utilization Ethiopia’s pursuit of additional water infrastructure does not inherently conflict with cooperation with downstream countries. On the contrary, equitable and reasonable utilization provides a framework through which the development interests of all Nile Basin states can be recognized. Reaffirming this legal baseline, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed stated: "Ethiopia reaffirms its legal right to the equitable and reasonable utilization of the Nile waters... Our development seeks peace, shared growth, and mutual benefit, not harm to downstream neighbors." This is particularly important because the Nile Basin is not composed of countries with identical levels of development, population pressures, water availability or economic needs. A sustainable basin framework must therefore account for changing demographic realities and legitimate development requirements rather than freezing the basin into historical patterns of utilization. Ethiopia’s position can consequently be framed not as a demand for unlimited use, but as a demand for development within a cooperative and rules-based framework. Ethiopia can recognize downstream interests while insisting that its own people also possess legitimate interests in electricity, irrigation, food security and economic development. Geopolitics of Development Pressure Ethiopia’s pursuit of hydropower, agricultural development and Red Sea access has altered regional strategic calculations and generated new concerns among neighboring states. Ethiopia maintains that the project is essential to its development and can operate without causing significant harm to downstream countries. The disagreement has consequently evolved into both a water dispute and a broader geopolitical contest. From Ethiopia’s perspective, the dispute over water resources cannot be examined separately from the wider geopolitical environment surrounding the country. In particular, Ethiopian officials and political actors have increasingly raised concerns about what they regard as a convergence between Egypt and Eritrea aimed at constraining Ethiopia’s regional influence and development. The Egypt-Eritrea convergence narrative rests on the argument that Cairo and Asmara have found common strategic ground in opposing the expansion of Ethiopia’s economic, political and strategic capacity. The significance of the relationship lies partly in Eritrea’s strategic location on the Red Sea and Egypt’s longstanding concern about Ethiopia’s growing influence in the Horn. Egypt and Eritrea have also been supporting forces hostile to the Ethiopian government and of contributing to a regional security environment that places additional pressure on Addis Ababa. These include claims involving diplomatic pressure, political networks and support for actors opposed to the Ethiopian government. A stronger Ethiopia means greater electricity generation, expanded irrigation, increased industrial capacity, stronger foreign exchange earnings and greater ability to pursue independent regional diplomacy. It also means a country with greater leverage in its relations with neighboring states and greater capacity to pursue its long-term ambition for dependable and mutually beneficial access to the Red Sea. The appropriate response is not simply confrontation. The strongest answer to external pressure is accelerated development, institutional resilience, financial self-reliance and sustained diplomatic engagement. Every additional megawatt generated, every hectare brought under irrigation, every industrial investment attracted and every regional electricity connection established can reduce the vulnerabilities that external actors might exploit. Next Generation of Dams The most important lesson from the GERD may ultimately be financial rather than political. Ethiopia demonstrated that large strategic infrastructure can be financed through substantial domestic mobilization when conventional external financing is unavailable or politically complicated. The next stage, however, should be more sophisticated. Domestic resources should remain central, but they can be combined with carefully structured concessional finance, private investment, diaspora capital, institutional investors, green finance and revenues generated through electricity exports. The objective should be to build a diversified infrastructure financing system that reduces exposure to political pressure from any single external actor. Electricity exports are particularly important in this regard. Ethiopia’s expanding generation capacity creates the possibility of converting hydropower into foreign exchange while simultaneously supporting industrialization at home. Electricity exports to neighboring countries can therefore serve two purposes: strengthening regional economic interdependence and improving Ethiopia’s capacity to finance future infrastructure. A stronger domestic financial system would also allow Ethiopia to mobilize its own savings more effectively. Pension funds, insurance institutions, banks, long-term savings schemes and capital markets can become sources of infrastructure finance if appropriate safeguards and investment frameworks are established. The GERD represents a historic milestone, but it should not be viewed as the endpoint of Ethiopia’s water development. The next challenge is to build an integrated national water strategy across the country’s major river basins. Regional Integration Ethiopia’s hydropower potential also offers a powerful opportunity for regional integration. Electricity can cross borders without many of the logistical complications associated with transporting physical commodities. Underlining this vision, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed emphasized: "Regional integration and trade will be crucial to the future of our continent, allowing us to grow beyond primary commodities and accelerate our shared development." Ethiopia can produce renewable electricity, export it to neighboring countries and use the resulting revenues to finance further economic development. Sudan, Djibouti, Kenya and other neighboring countries can benefit from reliable and relatively low-carbon electricity, while Ethiopia benefits from export earnings and stronger regional economic relationships. This creates an important alternative to the traditional zero-sum conception of Nile politics. Instead of asking which country gains and which country loses from every cubic meter of water, the region can increasingly ask how shared water resources can generate more electricity, more food, more trade and greater economic security for everyone. Conclusion Ethiopia’s case for continued development of its water resources rests on a straightforward reality: a country cannot eradicate poverty, expand food production, industrialize and provide modern energy to its population while leaving much of its water infrastructure potential unused. The GERD demonstrated that Ethiopia can overcome major financial and geopolitical obstacles through domestic mobilization and strategic determination. The government’s initiative to document more than 22 projects it says were obstructed by Egypt provides an opportunity to examine the historical dimension of the dispute through evidence rather than rhetoric. The central issue is therefore no longer whether Ethiopia will develop its water resources. It is how it will do so. For Ethiopia, water development is ultimately about much more than dams. It is about turning rainfall and river flows into electricity, irrigation, food, employment, industrial production and economic opportunity. For the wider Nile Basin, the choice is between continuing to treat water development as a zero-sum geopolitical struggle and recognizing water infrastructure as a potential foundation for regional integration. Ethiopia’s legitimate development aspirations cannot be subordinated indefinitely to historical patterns of water utilization. The strongest Ethiopian strategy, therefore, is neither confrontation nor retreat. It is evidence, engineering, financial resilience, responsible resource management and diplomacy. If Ethiopia can combine these elements, its rivers can become not instruments of regional rivalry but foundations for national transformation, food security, energy security and shared prosperity across the Horn of Africa.

Ethiopia's prolonged political instability and the recurring conflicts cannot be understood entirely through the lens of domestic political divisions. These internal vulnerabilities were created and aggravated by local and external actors to pursue strategic interests inside Ethiopia and across the Horn of Africa. Among the external actors most frequently identified by geopolitical analysts is Egypt. The Ethiopian argument is not simply that Egypt opposes the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). It is that Egyptian policy toward Ethiopia has, over decades, extended into a broader political and diplomatic effort aimed at limiting Ethiopia's strategic rise, weakening its regional influence and preventing it from acquiring greater control over the natural and economic resources necessary for national development. Seen from this perspective, Egypt's activities concerning the Nile, Ethiopia's internal political conflicts, the Eritrean question, Sudan, Somalia, the Red Sea and the GERD form parts of a wider pattern of strategic pressure. The central Ethiopian concern is that a divided, unstable and economically constrained Ethiopia is easier to contain than a peaceful, prosperous and strategically autonomous Ethiopia. Pressure on Ethiopia The most persistent source of Egyptian pressure on Ethiopia has been the Nile. The Blue Nile originates in Ethiopia and provides a major share of the water flowing downstream toward Sudan and Egypt. For Ethiopia, the river represents an enormous development opportunity. Its waters can generate electricity, support irrigation, expand agricultural production, improve food security, create industries and contribute to poverty reduction. For decades, however, Ethiopia has faced a regional water order shaped largely by arrangements made without its participation. The 1929 Anglo Egyptian Nile Waters Agreement and the 1959 Egypt Sudan agreement became central components of a system that Ethiopia has consistently rejected as incapable of determining the rights of an upstream sovereign state that was not a party to those agreements. Ethiopia's objection is fundamental. It argues that historical arrangements between downstream countries cannot permanently prevent an upstream country from using its own natural resources for development. The Ethiopian position is based on the principle of equitable and reasonable utilization of international watercourses. From this perspective, attempts to preserve historical water arrangements at Ethiopia's expense constitute more than a disagreement over water. They represent an effort to maintain a political order in which Ethiopia's development remains constrained. Challenge to Existing Regional Order The construction of the GERD became the clearest expression of Ethiopia's determination to break from that historical pattern. The project transformed Ethiopia's relationship with the Nile from one of limited utilization into one of strategic national development. The dam demonstrated that Ethiopia could mobilize domestic resources, national political support and international engineering capacity to undertake a project of continental significance. For Ethiopians, the GERD represents much more than a hydroelectric facility. It represents national sovereignty, the right to development, Ethiopia's determination to use its natural resources to generate electricity, expand industry, improve agricultural productivity and create opportunities for millions of citizens. Egypt's sustained campaign against the project has therefore been interpreted in Ethiopia not simply as opposition to a dam, but as opposition to a fundamental transformation in Ethiopia's economic and strategic position. The Ethiopian concern is that if Ethiopia is prevented from developing its water resources, the country will remain trapped in poverty and energy insecurity while its enormous natural potential remains underutilized. Diplomatic Pressure According to Ethiopian critics, one of the most important instruments used against Ethiopia has been diplomatic pressure. Rather than confronting Ethiopia only through direct bilateral negotiations, Egypt has repeatedly internationalized the Nile dispute and sought political support in regional and international institutions. From the Ethiopian perspective, this has created an environment in which Ethiopian development projects are increasingly treated as international security questions. The concern is that diplomatic campaigns can influence international institutions, development partners, financial institutions and governments that might otherwise support Ethiopia's infrastructure ambitions. The consequence, Ethiopian critics argue, is a form of indirect pressure. Instead of physically stopping a project, external political pressure can make financing more difficult, complicate international partnerships, create diplomatic uncertainty and portray Ethiopian development initiatives as potential sources of regional instability. This is particularly significant for a developing country whose transformation depends on large investments in energy, transport, agriculture, manufacturing and infrastructure. Exploiting Internal Vulnerabilities The most serious Ethiopian concerns the interaction between external pressure and domestic political divisions. Ethiopia has experienced repeated political crises, armed insurgencies and conflicts involving competing political and ethnic forces. The Ethiopian argument is that foreign powers do not necessarily need to create these divisions themselves. Existing grievances can be exploited, encouraged or politically amplified when doing so serves external strategic interests. This is where the concept of political sabotage becomes important. Political sabotage does not necessarily mean openly creating an armed organization. It can include diplomatic support for opposing political forces, strategic alliances with neighboring governments, political lobbying, information campaigns, military cooperation and international pressure. When such activities occur alongside an internal conflict, they can prolong instability and make political settlement more difficult. For Ethiopia, the danger is particularly severe because prolonged internal conflict consumes resources that could otherwise be directed toward development. A government struggling with insurgency has fewer resources for schools, hospitals, electricity, roads, irrigation, industrialization and job creation. A country preoccupied with internal security also has less diplomatic and economic capacity to pursue major regional initiatives. Loss of Sea Access The Eritrean question represents one of the most consequential historical developments in Ethiopia's modern history. Nevertheless, Eritrea's strategic location made the conflict a matter of regional competition. Eritrea contained Ethiopia's principal Red Sea ports, including Massawa and Assab. The eventual separation of Eritrea transformed Ethiopia from a country with direct maritime access into a landlocked state. The consequences were enormous. Ethiopia became dependent on neighboring countries for access to international maritime trade. The cost of transporting imports and exports increased. Strategic dependence on neighboring states became a permanent feature of Ethiopia's economic position. For Ethiopian strategists, the loss of maritime access cannot be separated from the broader geopolitical history of the Horn. Declassified US diplomatic records from the 1970s show that Arab states were deeply involved in the regional politics surrounding the Eritrean insurgency. The historical record does not establish that Egypt alone created the Eritrean movement, and some US assessments actually distinguished Egypt from more active supporters of Eritrean insurgents such as Libya, Iraq and Syria. Nevertheless, Egypt was an important regional actor in the wider political environment surrounding the Eritrean question. For Ethiopia, the strategic outcome remains profound: the country lost its direct access to the Red Sea. That loss continues to influence Ethiopian foreign policy decades later. Ethiopia's landlocked status has become one of the country's most important economic and strategic vulnerabilities. The country conducts the overwhelming majority of its international maritime trade through neighboring ports. This creates dependence on foreign infrastructure, foreign political stability and the goodwill of neighboring states. For a country of Ethiopia's population and economic potential, the absence of reliable sovereign maritime access imposes significant strategic costs. Transportation expenses affect the prices of imported goods. Export competitiveness can be reduced. Industrial development becomes more expensive. Energy and infrastructure projects become more dependent on regional corridors. The Ethiopian pursuit of maritime access is therefore not merely a geopolitical ambition. It is directly connected to economic development. From the Ethiopian perspective, any external effort to prevent Ethiopia from developing reliable maritime partnerships can be interpreted as an attempt to preserve its strategic vulnerability. Regional Alignments Ethiopian concerns have intensified as Egypt has expanded security and political relations with countries surrounding Ethiopia. Egypt's military cooperation with Somalia has attracted particular attention. In 2024, Egypt sent military equipment to Somalia following a security agreement between the two countries. The development occurred amid heightened tensions after Ethiopia signed a memorandum of understanding with Somaliland concerning maritime access. From an Ethiopian perspective, the timing and strategic implications of this relationship are significant. Ethiopia sees its maritime access initiative as an economic and strategic necessity. At the same time, the emergence of stronger Egyptian security cooperation with Somalia creates the possibility of Ethiopia facing a more coordinated regional political environment. The same concern applies to Sudan. Egypt has maintained close relations with Sudanese state institutions, particularly the Sudanese military establishment. The Sudanese conflict has subsequently become another arena in which Ethiopian security interests intersect with Egyptian regional interests. For Ethiopia, the accumulation of such relationships raises a fundamental concern: whether neighboring countries are gradually becoming part of a regional strategic network capable of limiting Ethiopia's freedom of action. Eritrea Eritrea remains another critical element of Ethiopia's strategic calculations. Relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea have passed through periods of war, reconciliation and renewed tension. The 1998 to 2000 Ethiopia Eritrea war caused enormous human and economic losses. The conflict weakened both countries and deepened the militarization of the northern Horn. The subsequent political developments created another layer of regional competition. For Ethiopian analysts, the possibility that external actors could encourage confrontation between Ethiopia and Eritrea is particularly dangerous. Recent reports concerning renewed tensions in Tigray have again highlighted allegations of external involvement in Ethiopia's internal conflicts. Egyptian and Sudanese support for forces to weaken Ethiopian sovereignty have been reported. An internal Ethiopian conflict can quickly become a regional conflict. Conflict Internationalization The Tigray conflict demonstrated how rapidly an internal Ethiopian crisis can acquire an international dimension. The conflict drew the involvement of Eritrea, Sudan and international diplomatic actors and generated intense competition over narratives, humanitarian access and political legitimacy. For Ethiopia, this experience reinforced the perception that internal conflicts can become instruments of broader geopolitical competition. Domestic political disagreements can consequently become internationalized. This is one of the strongest arguments advanced by critics who accuse Egypt of exploiting Ethiopia's internal vulnerabilities. Their argument is not necessarily that every Ethiopian insurgency was created in Cairo. Rather, it is that external actors can identify existing weaknesses and use them to restrict Ethiopia's strategic freedom. The Politics of Isolation A strong Ethiopia with stable relations with its neighbors, expanding economic power, growing electricity production and reliable maritime access would possess considerable influence in the Horn of Africa. A politically divided Ethiopia would possess far less influence. Consequently, Ethiopian critics argue that attempts to weaken Ethiopia's diplomatic relationships or place pressure on its regional partnerships should be understood as part of a broader containment strategy. Such containment does not require military confrontation. It can occur through diplomatic lobbying, regional alliances, security agreements, political pressure and international campaigns. Why Strong Ethiopia Matters? Ethiopia's emergence as a stronger economic and political power would fundamentally change the Horn of Africa. The country possesses enormous hydropower potential, extensive agricultural land, renewable energy resources and a large domestic market. The GERD has already demonstrated Ethiopia's ability to mobilize national resources for large infrastructure projects. Further investment in electricity generation, irrigation, manufacturing, agriculture, transport corridors and digital infrastructure could transform the country into one of Africa's major economic centers. Reliable maritime access would strengthen this transformation further. A stronger Ethiopia would also have greater capacity to contribute to regional integration. It could export electricity, expand cross border trade, support regional infrastructure and become a major economic link between the Horn of Africa and the wider continent. From the Ethiopian perspective, this is precisely why external attempts to restrict Ethiopia's development potential are viewed as strategically significant. The Ethiopian argument can therefore be stated clearly. Egypt's influence should not be examined only through the GERD negotiations. It should be examined through the cumulative political environment surrounding Ethiopia. The Nile dispute has generated sustained diplomatic pressure. The GERD has become the central symbol of Ethiopia's struggle for economic and strategic autonomy. Taken together, these developments form the basis of the Ethiopian perception that Egypt has pursued a policy of strategic containment. Conclusion that Egypt is a major external factor behind Ethiopia's instability does not require the claim that Egypt created every Ethiopian conflict. But the Ethiopian case is that domestic weaknesses have repeatedly been exposed to external strategic pressure. The concern is that Egypt has used diplomatic influence, regional relationships and political alliances to constrain Ethiopia's strategic space, particularly when Ethiopia has attempted to expand its use of the Nile, strengthen its economy, develop major infrastructure or regain reliable access to the sea. The GERD has become the clearest example of this confrontation. Ethiopia's determination to develop its water resources has collided with an established regional order that Ethiopian policymakers consider unfair and incompatible with the country's right to development. The maritime question represents another dimension of the same struggle. A landlocked Ethiopia faces structural economic disadvantages. An Ethiopia with dependable maritime access, abundant electricity, expanding agriculture, growing manufacturing and stronger regional trade would possess considerably greater economic and political autonomy. For this reason, Ethiopian analysts increasingly view the Nile, the GERD, the Red Sea, maritime access, Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia's internal conflicts as interconnected components of a larger geopolitical struggle.

By Gizachew Meku Ethiopia’s priorities for the 2019 Ethiopian fiscal year center on consolidating economic gains through structural transformation, quality human development, peace and stronger capability. The joint session of the House of People's Representatives and House of Federation marked the opening of a new five-year political and institutional period, with President Taye Atske Selassie outlining key national directions for the period ahead. During his address, the President called for faster, more accountable and sustainable development, with greater impact on governance, productivity, public services, national unity and prosperity. He outlined eight priorities: safeguarding peace and unity, pursuing quality-driven structural transformation, accelerating human-centered development, sustaining economic growth, modernizing project execution and financing, strengthening tax and debt management, improving federal-regional coordination, and pursuing a more influential, strategically oriented foreign policy. Achieving these goals, the President noted, requires stronger implementation capacity, ethical public service, political dialogue, intensified anti-corruption efforts, wider adoption of successful development practices, and stronger technological, defense and security capabilities. Building on Five Years of Economic Gains Ethiopia’s recent economic performance provides a foundation for its next development phase, with progress across agriculture, irrigation, manufacturing, mining, exports, foreign direct investment, tourism, digital infrastructure and services. President Taye attributed the sustained growth partly to measures under the government’s 10-year development plan, including stronger domestic revenue mobilization, discontinuing commercially unviable borrowing and completing long-delayed projects. Public participation has also strengthened development efforts. The Green Legacy Initiative and urban modernization and corridor development projects exemplify cooperation between the government and communities in expanding implementation capacity. The economic indicators reflect this momentum. Annual crop production reached 1.3 billion quintals last Ethiopian fiscal year, up from 335 million quintals seven years ago. Foreign trade revenue reached 11.2 billion USD, while foreign direct investment stood at 4.5 billion USD. Manufacturing industry growth reached 15.8 percent, credit supply expanded to 1.3 trillion Birr, inflation stood at 13.4 percent, and total domestic revenue reached 1 trillion 980 billion Birr, the President said. These results demonstrate the resilience of Ethiopia’s economic growth amid internal and external pressures and strengthen its capacity to pursue economic sovereignty. From Growth to Structural Transformation The next phase must move beyond economic expansion to prioritize quality, productivity and structural transformation. The President identified comprehensive structural transformation as the second of the eight priorities for the 2019 EFC, emphasizing agriculture, industry and infrastructure as foundations for self-sustaining growth. Human development must similarly shift from expanding services to improving their quality and impact. Education, health and social protection are expected to focus increasingly on better services and tangible improvements in people's lives. The government aims to raise electricity access to 65 percent, expand clean water access, increase health insurance coverage to 85 percent, raise forest coverage beyond the current 26 percent, and extend student feeding programs to 70 percent, among other targets. Making Implementation Faster and More Accountable Delivering development goals requires stronger project execution and financing. The President called for modern, fast, efficient and accountable systems, alongside improved tax administration and systematic debt management. The government also aims to raise the tax revenue-to-GDP ratio to 9.62 percent, strengthen public revenue and expenditure monitoring, increase tax collection and reduce inflation to single digits. These measures reflect a broader emphasis on implementation capacity. Progress depends not only on setting ambitious targets but also on executing them effectively. President Taye urged public servants implementing the plan to prioritize citizens’ needs, value time, reject idleness and serve with dedication. Peace and Unity as Foundations of Development Peace and national unity remain central to Ethiopia’s development agenda. The President said economic growth and progress require political stability, calling for stronger unity and cooperation and a definitive departure from armed political violence. Political practice, he added, should instead rest on peace, dialogue, knowledge and mutual listening. He stressed the implementation of the outcomes of the National Dialogue, whose recommendations should help bridge differences, strengthen political and social consciousness, and advance lasting nation-building. The President said Ethiopia must end the cycle in which political violence passes from one generation to another, replacing it with a path of peace, development and unity. Stronger Federal-Regional Cooperation Closer cooperation between the federal government and regional states is among the eight priorities. The President called for federal and regional institutions to operate collaboratively, support one another and work efficiently and seamlessly. Such coordination is essential to translating national priorities and development programs into action across the country. Successful experiences in agricultural productivity, green development and urban corridor projects should be expanded across regions and treated as national assets. From International Acceptance to Influence The President called for the transformation of Ethiopia's foreign policy from “mere acceptance to influence.” This requires expanding the country’s circle of friends and partners, prioritizing regional peace and economic integration, pursuing bold diplomatic initiatives and strengthening Ethiopia’s global standing. Ethiopia’s efforts have laid a foundation for wider international acceptance of its aspirations and demonstrated its intention to pursue development through cooperation. The country’s hosting of the 32th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP32) will also provide an opportunity to demonstrate its conceptual and practical commitment to climate action. Tourism and Economic Growth Ambitions Ethiopia aims to attract more than 1.6 million visitors during the fiscal year, placing tourism within its broader economic development ambitions. Together with measures targeting revenue mobilization, productivity, infrastructure, agriculture and industry, the tourism target forms part of the effort to raise overall economic growth to over 10 percent, according to President Taye. The broader objective is to sustain economic expansion while improving its quality and impact. Combating Corruption, Strengthening Institutions Corruption and malpractice remain major obstacles to effective development, the President said, calling for intensified efforts to eliminate them. The government plans to strengthen institutional oversight, build public institutions around integrity and ethics, and take stronger action against corruption and malpractice. The emphasis extends to the conduct of public officials and servants, who must combine knowledge and competence with discipline, moral standing and a strong sense of public responsibility. Strengthening Technology, Defense and Security Ethiopia’s development ambitions also depend on strengthening its comprehensive national power. The President emphasized greater self-reliance through modern technology, stronger strategic defense capacity and improved internal resilience. The government will work to maintain strong operational capabilities within the National Defense Force and security institutions. He praised members of the defense force and federal security institutions for their service and commitment to protecting the country and its citizens. Foreseeing Challenges and Building Capacity The President further emphasized the need for identifying and addressing challenges before they escalate, rather than responding only after they emerge. Ethiopia’s historical experience demonstrates the cost of inadequate preparation. The country must therefore identify problems early, anticipate threats to its unity and existence, strengthen its overall capacity and develop solutions before difficulties intensify. Deep thinking, early problem identification and transformative solutions will be essential to future progress. President Taye said this approach reinforces the emphasis on implementation capacity and expanding successful practices instead of repeatedly responding to problems. Shared Responsibility for the Future Concluding his address, the President noted that Ethiopia’s future should be defined by growth, prosperity, unity and peace rather than the destruction associated with conflict. Protecting the country, maintaining peace and pursuing prosperity are shared responsibilities of citizens, not solely obligations of the government, he stressed. He urged Ethiopians to safeguard national unity and sovereignty while sustaining recent gains in productivity and development. The President also reminded members of the Houses that their mandate comes from the Ethiopian people, expressing confidence that they would fulfill it with duty, competence, integrity, transparency and determination. The priorities for the new fiscal year thus center on consolidating recent economic and institutional gains while strengthening peace, improving capability, and human development. Together, they outline an approach to sustaining growth, improving public services and strengthening Ethiopia’s ability to pursue its national interests.

By Staff Writer October 5, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia has formally entered a new five year political and institutional chapter with the inauguration of the seventh House of Peoples' Representatives, the establishment of parliamentary leadership in both chambers and the appointment and swearing in of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed for a second term. The developments of October 5, 2026 completed a major stage of the constitutional process that followed the seventh general election and established the institutional foundation for the country’s new federal government. The day brought together the principal elements of the new political order. The newly elected House of Peoples’ Representatives opened the first regular session of the first working year of the seventh parliamentary term and elected Ahmed Shide as Speaker and Ayelech Eshete as Deputy Speaker. The House of Federation elected Muferihat Kamil as Speaker and Desta Ledamo as Deputy Speaker and established the leadership structures of its standing committees. The House of Peoples’ Representatives subsequently appointed Abiy Ahmed as Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Following his appointment, PM Abiy took the oath of office, formally beginning his second term as head of the federal government. The sequence represents the transition from an electoral mandate to constitutional government. The election provided the political basis for the new administration, while the inauguration of Parliament, the election of its leadership and the appointment of the Prime Minister established the principal institutions through which the federal government will operate during the new five year period. In this respect, October 5 represents more than the opening of another parliamentary session. It marks the completion of a constitutional process through which the mandate emerging from the election has been translated into functioning institutions of government. The new government follows the June 1 seventh general election, in which more than 54 million citizens participated, according to the National Election Board of Ethiopia. With the newly elected House now convened, the country has moved from the electoral stage into a new phase centered on governance, legislation, policy implementation and development. This gives the day significance beyond the formal ceremonies of the day. It marks the point at which the mandate emerging from the election is translated into the structures through which government will operate during the new five-year period. The inauguration of the seventh House of Peoples’ Representatives is therefore a defining event in the new parliamentary cycle. The lower chamber will undertake its constitutional responsibilities, including legislation, approval of the federal budget and oversight of the executive. The House of Federation, with its leadership and committee structures established, will similarly begin its responsibilities within the federal constitutional system. Together, the two chambers provide the legislative foundation for the new period of government. Their work will shape the legal and policy environment in which the executive implements its programs and in which regional and local institutions carry national priorities into communities. The appointment and swearing in of PM Abiy Ahmed represent the central executive milestone in the formation of the new government. In his address following his appointment, Abiy placed the new term within a broader national framework centered on unity, preparedness, national interests and development. Reflecting on the transition into the new five-year period, the Prime Minister emphasized the importance of learning from the country’s past while preparing for changing national, regional and global circumstances. “Getting tripped up by an obstacle once is natural, but stumbling repeatedly is not normal,” PM Abiy said, stressing the importance of drawing lessons from previous experiences and strengthening the country’s preparedness for future challenges. His message also placed national unity at the center of the new political chapter. The Prime Minister said Ethiopia’s challenges can be overcome through collective effort and cooperation, presenting the new term as a period in which citizens should move forward together. “Ethiopia will have only winning citizens, not losers,” he emphasized, framing national development as a shared undertaking whose benefits should extend across society. The message is consistent with the Medemer approach presented by the new administration. The concept emphasizes addition, cooperation and the combined use of national capabilities, bringing together government institutions, businesses, communities, technology, human resources and natural resources in pursuit of common development objectives. The formation of the new government gives this approach an institutional setting. It provides an opportunity to strengthen coordination among Parliament, the executive, regional administrations, the private sector and other national institutions and to connect individual development initiatives within a broader national framework. Prime Minister Abiy also presented the new political chapter as an opportunity to convert Ethiopia’s accumulated experience and capabilities into practical results. “Yesterday has passed, and tomorrow is yet to come; but today has arrived favorably,” he noted, placing emphasis on the opportunities available in the present and the need to act on them. The government does not begin its new term with an empty policy agenda. It inherits a range of reforms and development programs pursued across the economy and public sector in recent years. These include agricultural modernization, infrastructure development, energy expansion, digital transformation, manufacturing, tourism, environmental restoration, investment promotion and public sector reform. The new five-year period provides an opportunity to consolidate these initiatives and strengthen their connections. The central objective is to move from individual projects and sectoral programs toward greater coordination and implementation, allowing progress in one area to reinforce development in others. Agriculture remains an important foundation of this agenda. Expanded irrigation and increased wheat and rice production have strengthened Ethiopia’s capacity to raise domestic agricultural output and advance food sovereignty. Greater agricultural productivity can also provide inputs for agro processing and manufacturing while supporting transportation, storage, trade and employment. The Premier referred to the expansion of summer wheat production in his speech as an example of how ambitious national objectives can be translated into practical results. He recalled that the initiative had initially been viewed by some as unrealistic, but said its results had demonstrated Ethiopia’s capacity to increase domestic production and reduce dependence on imported wheat. The relationship between agriculture and energy is particularly important. Expanded electricity generation can support irrigation and agricultural processing, while reliable power can strengthen rural industries and create opportunities for value addition. Energy development can therefore contribute not only to electricity supply but also to wider economic transformation. Infrastructure provides another foundation for this transformation. Roads, urban development, energy networks, telecommunications infrastructure and public facilities connect communities with markets and services while improving the movement of people and goods. Digital transformation adds another dimension to the emerging economic structure. The expansion of digital identification, digital finance, online public services and emerging technologies is creating new possibilities for public administration and economic participation. The Fayda national digital identification system provides a foundation for wider access to services, while digital financial platforms are expanding opportunities for participation in the formal economy. Technology can also support improvements in government administration, education, research, business development and service delivery. The continued expansion of digital infrastructure consequently has implications well beyond the technology sector itself, providing tools that can support productivity across the economy. The restructuring and improved management of state-owned enterprises and public assets also form part of the economic agenda. More productive public enterprises can strengthen revenue generation, support employment, attract investment and create stronger links with the private sector. Better utilization of existing assets can complement new investment and contribute to a more productive economic system. Environmental restoration and tourism provide further dimensions of the development platform. The Green Legacy initiative has expanded tree planting and landscape restoration, linking environmental protection with climate resilience and sustainable development. At the same time, heritage restoration and tourism development are creating opportunities around Ethiopia’s historical, cultural and natural assets. These sectors are increasingly interconnected within the broader Medemer approach. Agricultural modernization can support manufacturing, expanded electricity can strengthen industry and irrigation, digital services can improve public administration and financial inclusion, infrastructure can connect producers with markets, and tourism can combine heritage preservation with investment and employment. The new government therefore has an opportunity to approach development as an integrated national process rather than as a collection of separate sectoral activities. Progress in one area can provide the foundation for progress in another, creating stronger links between production, infrastructure, technology, investment and employment. National unity and institutional cooperation are also important to this process. The federal system provides a framework for cooperation between national and regional institutions, with Parliament providing representation and legislative oversight, the executive providing national policy direction and implementation, and regional governments connecting national programs with local development priorities. Prime Minister Abiy emphasized this collective dimension in his address, calling for Ethiopians to move forward together and stressing that national interests should transcend political differences. He pointed to cooperation among political actors on matters of national importance as evidence that differences can coexist with collaboration when shared interests are placed at the center. The government also enters its new term with Ethiopia’s regional and international economic interests closely connected to its development agenda. Sea access remains a long-term national priority, with the government emphasizing peaceful engagement, negotiation and mutually beneficial arrangements. Abiy reaffirmed this position in his October 5 address, saying, “We will work tirelessly to ensure Ethiopia secures a sea outlet.” The issue is linked to Ethiopia’s wider economic ambitions because reliable maritime connectivity has implications for trade, logistics, investment and regional economic integration. Ethiopia’s geographic position also creates opportunities to strengthen economic relationships across the Horn of Africa, the Red Sea region and the wider continent through energy cooperation, infrastructure connectivity, trade and digital services. The Prime Minister placed these ambitions within a broader vision of Ethiopia’s future, arguing that the country should not limit itself to transforming its own economy but should aspire to contribute to transformation beyond its borders. The new five-year term thus begins with a combination of established institutions, ongoing reforms and a broad development agenda. The parliamentary leadership is in place, the federal executive has been constituted and the Prime Minister has formally assumed his second term. The significance of October 5 lies in bringing these elements together. The election provided the mandate, the Constitution provided the process, Parliament provided the institutional mechanism and the appointment and swearing in of the Prime Minister completed a central stage in the establishment of the new administration. The emphasis can now shift from political transition toward implementation. Parliament will legislate and exercise oversight, the executive will formulate and implement policies, and regional governments will carry national priorities into local development. Businesses, investors and citizens will also contribute to the broader economic and social development process. The new term consequently provides an opportunity to connect Ethiopia’s people, institutions, resources and development programs around a common national agenda. It also creates a framework for combining the country’s historical experience with modern technology, institutions and global knowledge. The approach seeks to preserve the strengths of Ethiopia’s past while building the capabilities required for a changing economy and a more interconnected world. Agriculture can be modernized while strengthening food production, renewable energy can support industrialization, digital services can improve access to government and finance, tourism can combine heritage with employment, and infrastructure can connect producers and consumers across regions. This combination is central to the Medemer approach and to the broader development framework presented for the new term. Its practical significance will ultimately depend on how effectively the newly established institutions coordinate policies, allocate resources and implement programs. October 5, 2026 therefore marks more than the opening of another parliamentary session. It marks Ethiopia’s formal transition from the seventh general election into a new phase of constitutional government and national development, with the seventh Parliament beginning its work and PM Abiy Ahmed beginning his second term as Prime Minister. The principal institutions are now in place. The political mandate has moved into an institutional framework, and the new federal government has assumed responsibility for the next five-year period. The coming term provides an opportunity to consolidate ongoing reforms, strengthen institutions and connect Ethiopia’s development initiatives more closely with one another. The focus can now increasingly be placed on implementation, productivity, service delivery, investment, employment and broader economic opportunity. In this sense, the formation of the government is not the conclusion of the political process that began with the election. It is the beginning of its governance phase. The seventh Parliament has begun its work, the federal executive has been formally established and the Prime Minister has assumed his second term. The institutional foundation is therefore in place for the new administration to pursue its national agenda and translate the mandate of the new parliamentary cycle into policies, programs and development results. Ethiopia has moved from election to government, from mandate to institutions and from political transition to a new phase of national development. The new five year period now begins with the institutions, leadership and constitutional framework required to turn that moment into sustained implementation and national development.

Biography presented by Deputy Prime Minister Temesgen Tiruneh during the appointment of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia   Honorable Speaker, Distinguished Members of the House, Honorable Invited Guests, Today, before this honored Parliament, and in accordance with Article 73, Sub-Article 2 of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, I have the immense honor, pride and privilege, on behalf of the Prosperity Party—which has secured the profound trust of the Ethiopian people and won a parliamentary majority in the 7th General Election—to nominate a great Ethiopian of our time for the position of Prime Minister of Ethiopia.   At this defining moment, when the foundation of a new chapter in Ethiopian civilization is being laid, our party, Prosperity, demonstrates its unwavering determination to place Ethiopia firmly on the foundation of her greatness by presenting this great Ethiopian for the Premiership. He is a leader created for Ethiopia, called to serve, untiring and undaunted; a leader who knows no fatigue, endless in innovation, tireless with his pen, rich in compassion and defined by resilience. From his parents, he learned patriotism and respect for the people at an early age. Raised among Ethiopia's diverse peoples and faiths, history shaped him to belong to all and to serve all. From the small village of Beshasha, he looked far beyond his immediate surroundings and dreamed of a greater Ethiopia. Whether she was grieving or rejoicing, whether facing hardship or moving forward, he longed for the day when he could serve this great nation and help her rise to the height of her history and prosper to the full measure of her riches. It was for this reason that, at the tender age of 14, he entered the armed struggle to serve his country and make sacrifices for it. He possesses a character that fights to the very end against anything he believes is not beneficial to Ethiopia. After the fall of the Derg regime, he joined the regular military. During the Ethio-Eritrean War, he served on the front lines in defense of his country's sovereignty.   Yet, inside the foxholes of the Badme front, he did more than fight. He wept, he reflected, he planned, and he weighed ideas about change. His military journey, which took him to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, became a chapter in which he came to know Ethiopia intimately and, in doing so, contemplated the fate of tomorrow's Ethiopia. He paid the price of service by traveling to different parts of the country and observing Ethiopia firsthand. As he looked upon her, his love for her deepened; her weariness concerned him; her poverty angered him; and the fact that this great country was not yet truly great gave him no rest. In particular, when he was deployed to Rwanda as part of a United Nations peacekeeping mission to help halt the genocide, he began to see Ethiopia through a comparative lens. He reflected: If we do not preserve our multinational unity, if each of us does not respect the rights of all, if we do not make our unity our strength and our diversity our ornament, and if we do not resolve our problems through consultation and dialogue, how will our fate differ from Rwanda's?   From that point onward, he sought to live by this conviction. He demonstrated that it is possible to live together by resolving differences through peace, dialogue and reconciliation. In the small town of Beshasha, he played a remarkable peacebuilding role, helping resolve faith-based tensions through dialogue, counsel and forgiveness. It was from this experience that he resolutely declared that the sword of reconciliation—carrying peace, forgiveness and love—is far better than the sword that beheads. He holds a Bachelor's Degree in Computer Engineering from Microlink Information Technology College, an MBA in Transformational Leadership from Leadstar Management and Leadership College, an MA from the University of Greenwich, and a PhD in Peace and Security Studies from Addis Ababa University. In addition to numerous national and international awards, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. He also sought to usher Ethiopia into a new chapter of transformation through his former membership and leadership in the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), his role as founder of the Information Network Security Agency (INSA), and his service as Minister of Science and Technology. Cultivating people and transforming lives, providing leadership and service free from corruption and theft, working alongside employees like a brother, and turning every responsibility—no matter how small—into a center of change for a greater Ethiopia became his daily way of life. Eight years ago, Ethiopia yearned for change. Poverty and backwardness had embittered the people. Division and fragmentation distressed the nation. Growth was being stifled, and grievances were accumulating. Fairness had vanished, the dominance of a single faction prevailed, and the country was suffering. Projects had stalled. Rights had been suppressed. Prisons were filled. Political divisions had sharpened. Ethiopia had entered a period of profound trial. At that critical moment, Ethiopia needed not merely change, but an apostle of change—a leader who would not draw the sword, incite revolution, demand destruction or build upon the grave of another. She needed a leader who would unite the people, bring partners and affiliates together as one, safeguard the rights of all peoples equitably, and focus on tomorrow rather than yesterday. At that critical hour, from within the EPRDF leadership, among its intellectuals, from the Oromia Region and from the womb of Ethiopia, a man named Abiy emerged. With wisdom and skill, through peaceful struggle, by aligning the people behind a shared purpose, strengthening the multinational bonds among Ethiopians, and challenging the dominance of a single faction, he brought about the envisioned change. Change was achieved through organizational appeal, public struggle and popular momentum. Ethiopia had repeatedly experienced bloody and destructive revolutions. This time, however, through reform, she sought to uproot only the thorn. She ceased demolishing her existing capacities simply to build anew. Erasing yesterday completely proved painful, yet accepting it exactly as it was offered no solution. Thus, building upon yesterday's foundation, she repaired what was broken, uprooted the weeds and embarked upon a new path toward tomorrow. Eight years ago, before this very Parliament, the name of the Creator was invoked with honor. The name of Ethiopia was called with love and respect. Opponents were described as competitors. A call for peace was extended to all engaged in conflict. Mothers were honored and appreciated.   The herald of an Ethiopia embarking on a new journey toward prosperity was proclaimed. Forgiveness was sought for all misdeeds committed in the name of the EPRDF. Peace, forgiveness and love were declared. A fresh breeze swept across modern Ethiopian politics. Since that time, this man has remained at work. He introduced a new tradition into Ethiopian political history. He enabled competing political parties and the governing party to serve together in one government. He traveled across America, Europe, Africa and the Middle East, calling upon Ethiopians and partners to embrace peace and development. He secured pardons and the release of numerous political prisoners. Media outlets opened more freely. Politicians who had been living in exile returned home and were even entrusted with positions of government leadership. He worked to reconcile the separated fathers of the Orthodox Synod and the Islamic Affairs leadership. He ensured legal recognition for the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs and the Evangelical Council. He sought to make security institutions free from political bias and transform them into guardians of the constitutional order. The Election Board and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission became independent and impartial institutions. Laws considered oppressive and restrictive—laws deemed unfitting for a modern Ethiopia—were amended, while judicial and court independence was upheld. He traveled from district to district to consult directly with the people. He facilitated efforts to resolve regional statehood demands in Southern Ethiopia. He transformed the concept of the Ethiopian revolution from a political revolution into a wheat and rice revolution. Through the Gebeta le Sheger (Dine for Sheger), Gebeta le Hager (Dine for the Nation), and Gebeta le Twolde (Dine for Generations) initiatives, he brought to fruition visionary projects designed to protect Ethiopia's heritage while creating new destinations for the future. He transformed Ethiopia through initiatives such as Clean and Green Ethiopia, Bountiful Development, Rural-Urban Corridors, Summer Wheat, Ease of Doing Business, Sharing Meals, Winter Volunteerism and Digital Ethiopia. Through writing, publishing and training, he worked tirelessly to build competent leadership for Ethiopia. He conceived the Moseb One-Stop Service initiative and expanded it across all regions. Under the Green Legacy Initiative, he oversaw the planting of 56 billion trees. He published four Medemer books and used the proceeds to build schools across all regions. He enabled Ethiopia to stop importing wheat and move toward self-sufficiency. He expanded fruit production and positioned it for export markets. He lifted Ethiopia's mining sector out of backwardness, enabling it to generate five years' worth of output compared with the previous century. Through Digital Ethiopia, he made it possible for money to reside in our mobile phones. By guiding macroeconomic reform, he restored balance to Ethiopia's fragile economy.   Through a fiercely challenging struggle, he navigated the completion of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). He built a strong and modern defense force for Ethiopia. He raised Ethiopian industries from the brink of decline and positioned them as drivers of the economy. He initiated and successfully guided the National Dialogue to fruition—an idea that had once been dismissed and criticized. He dismantled the separation between "allies" and "core affiliates" in order to build a unified multinational party. He emerged from the trials of the COVID-19 pandemic, recurring conflicts, locust invasions and severe droughts refined like a diamond and stronger through adversity. From his youth, he has shown little tolerance for anyone who deliberately rises against Ethiopia. He endures much and tolerates much; but when it comes to Ethiopia's sovereignty, he tolerates no one. That is why, when enemies rose believing they could destroy Ethiopia, he set aside his office as Prime Minister, exchanged his tie for fatigue uniforms and marched to the front line. Today, this is a man fighting for Ethiopia to secure access to the sea. He is leading Ethiopia toward the construction of the massive Bishoftu International Airport. He is working tirelessly, day and night, to ensure Ethiopia achieves food self-sufficiency. He is enabling Ethiopia to become interconnected through digital identity. He is paving the way for Ethiopia to build a civilization that connects yesterday, today and tomorrow. He is facilitating the transition of farmers toward modern cluster farming. He is crafting a new rural strategy to enable pastoralists to transition into modern ways of living. He works day and night so that urban dwellers can enjoy better and more comfortable urban infrastructure. In Addis Ababa, for instance, he has sought to turn into action his promise: "We will make her new and a flower, just like her name." He is a priceless leader. He is enabling the structural transformation of the Ethiopian economy. He is building a political culture in which governing and competing parties can lead the nation together and collaborate on matters of national interest. Girding his loins and dedicating his time to the country, he works relentlessly to make a great Ethiopia even greater. He has reshaped Ethiopia's foreign relations beyond rigid notions of "enemy" and "friend," pursuing instead a pragmatic and action-oriented diplomacy. This is why, today, before this august assembly, I nominate Honorable Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali to serve as Prime Minister of Ethiopia. He has envisioned change. He has led change. And he has lived change for all to see. Born in Beshasha town, Jimma Zone, Oromia Region of Ethiopia, he is now 50 years old. He has dedicated three-quarters of his life to national service. He is married, a father of four children, and a friend to millions. Distinguished Members of the House, As our Prosperity Party nominates Honorable Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali—a gifted son of Ethiopia who has emerged refined like gold through the furnace of change, who has not merely lived through history but changed its course, and whom Ethiopia has sought and found across the eras—to serve as Prime Minister of Ethiopia, we do so with the greatest honor, pride and sense of privilege. I thank you.

By staff writer   October 5, 2026 (ENA) Today, Ethiopia has made history by establishing a new government following the largest democratic election in Africa. This milestone is a powerful testament to the resilience of Ethiopia’s democracy and statehood, which have withstood enormous challenges from regional enemies and their cronies. Despite repeated attempts by hostile forces to wage war against Ethiopia, undermine its stability and prevent the establishment of a democratically elected government, Ethiopia has not only prevailed but has emerged stronger, more determined and more united. The recent election, in which more than 54 million Ethiopians cast their votes, has received recognition and positive assessments from international partners and observers. The United States, European Union, Canada, Switzerland, the African Union and other international actors have acknowledged the electoral process and its outcome, reflecting growing international confidence in Ethiopia’s democratic transition. The achievement, however, did not come easily.   Ethiopia’s democratic journey has been tested various odds and regional pressure. Among the most serious challenges have been the activities of forces seeking to destabilize the country, including the Eritrean regime and anti-peace elements associated with the TPLF. The Eritrean regime, which has never conducted a national election in its history, has repeatedly been interfering in the affairs of neighboring countries. Its long-standing authoritarian rule and its involvement in regional conflicts have made Eritrea a persistent source of concern in the Horn of Africa. The alignment between the Eritrean regime and anti-peace forces has further complicated even the regional security environment. Forces seeking to prevent Ethiopia from consolidating its democratic institutions have repeatedly attempted to exploit internal divisions and weaken the Ethiopian state. Yet those efforts have failed to stop Ethiopia’s political transition. The Ethiopian government and defense forces have managed to withstand these challenges, enabling the country to proceed with the democratic process and establish a new government today. This is not merely a political transition. It is a significant moment in Ethiopia’s modern history. The establishment of the new government demonstrates that Ethiopia’s democratic institutions and statehood have proven resilient even under immense pressure. It sends a clear message that the country will not be intimidated or derailed by forces seeking to undermine its sovereignty, stability and democratic aspirations.   A Sharp Contrast in the Horn of Africa The contrast between Ethiopia and Eritrea is increasingly striking. While Ethiopia has moved forward with a national electoral process involving more than 54 million voters and has proceeded with the formation of a new government, Eritrea remains without a national election since independence and continues to face widespread criticism over political repression and restrictions on fundamental freedoms. Eritrea has also been described by international rights organizations as one of the world's most repressive states, with many of its citizens seeking opportunities to leave the country. At the same time, critics argue that the Eritrean government has devoted disproportionate attention to regional security and political interference rather than building a stronger and more prosperous domestic economy. Ethiopia, by contrast, continues to pursue an ambitious economic transformation agenda and seeks to position itself among Africa’s leading economies and one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. The difference is therefore not simply political. It reflects two fundamentally different trajectories— one centered on institutional transition, economic transformation and democratic governance, and another characterized by prolonged authoritarian rule and regional tensions. Ethiopia’s Resilient Democracy: A Message to Africa The establishment of Ethiopia’s new government is significant not only for the country but also for the wider African continent. It demonstrates that democratic institutions and statehood can survive even in an extremely challenging political and security environment. For a country of Ethiopia’s size and strategic importance, this matters enormously. Ethiopia is a major political, economic and diplomatic center of Africa, and its stability has direct implications for the Horn of Africa, the Red Sea region and the wider continent. The international recognition of Ethiopia’s electoral process further reinforces the importance of this transition. The engagement and positive assessments of the United States, European Union, Canada, Switzerland, the African Union and other international partners demonstrate that Ethiopia’s democratic process is attracting significant international attention. But the formation of a new government is not the end of the journey. The new Medemer State administration is expected to usher in a new chapter by strengthening democratic institutions, consolidating peace, accelerating economic development, bridging political differences, and firmly safeguarding Ethiopia’s sovereignty and national interests. The country will also continue to face pressure from regional actors and forces opposed to its political and economic rise. Yet today’s achievement sends a powerful message that Ethiopia has endured. Ethiopia has prevailed. And Ethiopia is moving forward. The establishment of the new government is a milestone that reflects the determination of the Ethiopian people to pursue democracy, freedom, development and national sovereignty despite enormous adversity. As Ethiopia enters this new political chapter, its success will matter far beyond its borders. A stable, democratic and economically strong Ethiopia can become a powerful anchor for peace, integration and prosperity in the Horn of Africa and across the continent. All in all, Ethiopia’s democratic journey today has taken another historic step forward.

Addis Ababa, October 5, 2026 (ENA)—Ethiopia is entering a defining chapter in its long and distinguished history, seeking to translate its economic potential, strategic location, and diplomatic legacy into greater influence across Africa and the international system. The country is positioning itself not merely as a participant in Africa’s transformation, but as an influential actor capable of shaping regional integration, economic cooperation, peace, and security. This ambition unfolds at a time when Ethiopia is undergoing significant internal political, economic, and institutional transformation.   Forming a New Government (Medemer State) The formation of a new government represents an important stage in Ethiopia’s political and institutional evolution. Moving from an electoral process to the establishment of a new administration provides an opportunity to strengthen public participation, institutional accountability, and peaceful governance. Sustainable national development requires more than economic growth; it depends on accountable institutions, social cohesion, and a political culture capable of managing differences through dialogue and constitutional processes. As Ethiopia enters the 2019 Ethiopian calendar year and constitutes a new federal government following its seventh general election, the country is translating electoral legitimacy into effective governance. This transition carries significance beyond institutional composition. It offers a moment to consolidate reforms, strengthen public institutions, build national cohesion, and restore confidence in the democratic process.   Rising Across Africa and the World Ethiopia’s growing influence is increasingly visible across economic, political, diplomatic, and strategic arenas. Home to one of Africa’s largest populations, a transforming economy, and a pivotal position in the Horn of Africa, the country possesses substantial potential to shape regional dynamics. Its diplomatic importance extends well beyond its borders. As host to the African Union headquarters, Addis Ababa remains a primary diplomatic hub. Ethiopia’s long diplomatic tradition, combined with its engagement in regional and global bodies, provides a strong platform to help shape continental and international affairs. This emerging role places Ethiopia at the intersection of several continental priorities: economic integration, infrastructure development, energy security, peace and security, food security, and regional connectivity. Effectively managed, these areas can reinforce one another and position Ethiopia as a catalyst for collective prosperity. Accelerating Integration Ethiopia’s infrastructure ambitions carry major regional implications. Large-scale investments in energy, transport, logistics, and industrial development have the potential to connect markets, expand electricity access, and establish new economic corridors across the Horn of Africa. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), for example, symbolizes more than national energy security. It reflects Ethiopia’s effort to harness natural resources for broader regional development through expanded power generation and exports. Reliable, affordable energy underpins industrialization, digital transformation, and job creation. Interconnected markets reduce economic distances between neighboring countries, strengthening the foundations for regional trade and enhancing infrastructure connectivity accompanied with political trust, predictable institutions, and mutually beneficial economic frameworks. For Ethiopia, connectivity is both an economic objective and a vital diplomatic instrument. Sustaining Stability For a landlocked nation of over 130 million people, dependable access to the sea is a strategic national interest. Reliable maritime connections dictate trade costs, supply chain efficiency, industrial competitiveness, and market access. Ethiopia’s pursuit of maritime access reflects the broader geopolitical realities of the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region. It is vivid that through constructive dialogue, negotiated agreements, mutual benefit, and respect for sovereignty, maritime connectivity can serve as a bridge rather than a point of friction. A stable framework for sea access connects Ethiopia’s consumer market and production capacity with neighboring economies, expanding trade, attracting investment, and fostering regional interdependence. In this context, maritime ambitions become part of a broader vision where shared connectivity supports long-term stability and peace. From Historical Legacy to Shared Prosperity Ethiopia’s contemporary ambitions are inseparable from its historical legacy. As one of Africa’s oldest civilizations and an enduring symbol of sovereignty, Ethiopia holds a unique position in African history. By preserving its independence during European colonial expansion, Ethiopia became a beacon of African dignity, self-determination, and pan-African unity. Yet historical prestige alone cannot guarantee future influence. Ethiopia’s current task is converting its historical standing into modern economic strength, institutional capacity, and tangible opportunities for its people. Ethiopia’s next chapter requires balancing history with ambition: leveraging its diplomatic legacy, strategic location, and infrastructure investments to drive growth. Ethiopia’s past gave Africa a powerful symbol of independence; its future offers the potential to demonstrate how sovereignty, connectivity, and cooperation can build shared regional prosperity.

By Staff Writer October 5, 2026 (ENA) The final week of September and the opening days of October have offered a revealing picture of the international system in 2026. Rather than moving toward a single defining confrontation, the world is facing several overlapping struggles that increasingly reinforce one another. The wars in Ukraine and Gaza remain unresolved, tensions are rising across the Horn of Africa, competition between the United States and China is being managed rather than resolved, borrowing costs continue to pressure governments, and climate diplomacy is entering another difficult phase. The significance of the week therefore lies less in any single battlefield or diplomatic meeting than in the growing interaction between security, economics, technology, energy, trade and geography. Wars are influencing commodity markets. Trade disputes are reshaping industrial policy. Artificial intelligence is emerging as both a commercial technology and a strategic asset. Climate negotiations are increasingly tied to development finance. At the same time, countries once regarded as peripheral to great power competition are becoming more important because of their resources, markets, geography and diplomatic choices. For Africa, the transformation is particularly consequential. The continent is no longer simply a recipient of global policies. Its ports, minerals, energy resources, agricultural potential, markets and diplomatic weight are becoming increasingly important to competing powers. The Return of Hard Geopolitics The post-Cold War expectation that economic interdependence would gradually reduce the likelihood of major conflict has been seriously weakened. Economic relationships themselves have increasingly become instruments of strategic competition. The United States and China offer the clearest example. The September summit between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping helped stabilize relations, but it did not resolve the fundamental rivalry between Washington and Beijing. Analysts described the outcome as a mechanism for managing tensions rather than a strategic settlement, with the existing trade truce extended into January 2027. Disputes over technology, critical minerals, trade and geopolitical influence remain unresolved. A stable rivalry is therefore not the same as reconciliation. Washington is seeking to protect technological leadership, strategic industries and critical supply chains. Beijing is working to preserve access to international markets while strengthening domestic technological capacity and reducing vulnerability to foreign restrictions. Europe, meanwhile, faces the increasingly difficult task of balancing its economic relationship with China against its security partnership with the United States. Globalization is consequently being reorganized rather than abandoned. Countries continue to trade with one another, but governments increasingly want to know who controls the technology, financing, minerals, data, shipping routes and production capacity behind that trade. Critical minerals have therefore become strategic commodities, alongside semiconductors, artificial intelligence systems, batteries, energy infrastructure and telecommunications networks. The defining feature of the new era is not the disappearance of globalization but its growing fusion with national security. Ukraine War Ukraine remains one of the clearest examples of this transformation. The conflict is increasingly a contest not only between armies but also between industrial systems, drone technologies, missile production, energy infrastructure and the capacity of governments to sustain prolonged military expenditure. Russia continues to conduct large scale drone and missile attacks against Ukrainian infrastructure, while Ukraine is expanding its ability to strike targets inside Russia. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Kyiv would intensify attacks on Russian oil refineries in response to what he described as a new Russian doctrine involving expanded attacks on Ukrainian cities and infrastructure. The consequences extend beyond the battlefield. Energy infrastructure has become part of the war's economic front. Strikes on refineries can affect fuel supplies and prices, while attacks on electricity systems can undermine industrial production and civilian resilience. Germany's Chancellor Friedrich Merz's visit to Kyiv on October 4 highlighted Europe's increasingly direct role in supporting Ukraine. Germany announced €1 billion in military assistance and €350 million for energy repairs, while Berlin and Kyiv prepared to expand cooperation in drone production and long range weapons. The development reflects a significant shift in European strategic thinking. European governments are increasingly preparing for a prolonged confrontation and recognizing that continental security requires greater European industrial capacity. Ukraine has also demonstrated the transformative potential of relatively inexpensive unmanned systems. Drones have become central to reconnaissance, targeting and attacks, illustrating how technological innovation can alter the balance between cost and military effectiveness. The broader lesson is clear. Countries that cannot produce or reliably obtain drones, air defence systems, ammunition, communications equipment and other critical military technologies may become strategically dependent during future conflicts. The Ukraine war is therefore functioning as a laboratory for modern warfare and a test of political endurance. Russia has demonstrated its ability to absorb substantial military and economic pressure. Ukraine remains heavily dependent on European and Western assistance, while European governments must sustain support amid their own economic and political pressures. The possibility of a negotiated settlement remains, but battlefield developments continue to shape the negotiating positions of all sides. The longer the conflict persists, the more deeply military considerations become intertwined with Europe's long term relationship with Russia. Gaza Diplomacy If Ukraine illustrates the militarization of European security, Gaza demonstrates the continuing limitations of international diplomacy. The humanitarian situation remains catastrophic. UN officials have warned that Gaza's population is concentrated in severely restricted areas amid continuing violence, shortages and inadequate shelter. The crisis has also become a test of the credibility of the international system. For decades, the international community has formally supported a two state solution. Yet continued Israeli administrative and territorial expansion in parts of the West Bank has intensified concerns that the territorial basis required for such a settlement is being progressively weakened. UN officials have specifically warned about the E1 settlement plan and its implications for territorial continuity. The diplomatic challenge is therefore no longer simply how to stop the fighting. It is how to establish political conditions capable of preventing another cycle of violence. A ceasefire without a political settlement may pause hostilities without addressing their underlying causes. Reconstruction without credible security arrangements may prove temporary. Humanitarian assistance can alleviate suffering, but it cannot by itself create lasting political stability. The Gaza crisis has also damaged confidence in the consistency of the international system. Governments seeking international cooperation on Ukraine, nuclear proliferation, terrorism, climate change and trade depend on the perception that international principles are applied with a degree of consistency. When conflicts appear to receive different standards, diplomatic legitimacy suffers. Africa The Bab el Mandeb is one of the world's most important maritime passages. Threats to shipping through the corridor have demonstrated how a regional conflict can generate consequences for global trade, energy markets and supply chains. Houthi activity around the Red Sea has already shown how instability in Yemen can extend well beyond the immediate theatre of conflict. The Horn should therefore be understood not as a peripheral African security theatre but as an increasingly important component of the global strategic system. The Global Economy While wars dominate political headlines, financial markets are delivering a quieter warning. Global bond markets have come under considerable pressure, while elevated oil prices have added to inflationary concerns. This matters because government borrowing costs influence almost every major economic decision. When interest rates and bond yields rise, governments pay more to finance deficits. Developing countries face additional pressure because investors often demand higher risk premiums. Infrastructure projects become more expensive, debt servicing consumes a larger share of public revenue, and private investment can weaken. For developing economies, the international financial environment can therefore be nearly as consequential as domestic economic policy. The United States presents a mixed picture. Inflation rose less than expected in August, providing the Federal Reserve with greater room to manage monetary policy, while consumer spending remained relatively strong. Yet the broader environment remains uncertain as oil prices, geopolitical risks, government borrowing and expectations surrounding central bank policy interact. For African economies, the combination of expensive energy and costly financing is particularly difficult. Many countries require substantial capital for roads, railways, electricity, irrigation, digital infrastructure and industrial development. The response must include stronger domestic financial markets, more efficient public investment, expanded regional trade and greater use of long-term strategic investment. Climate Climate diplomacy is approaching another major test. COP31 will take place in Antalya, Türkiye, from November 9 to 20, while Fiji, Tuvalu and Australia are hosting the official Pre COP meeting from October 5 to 8. The Pacific setting is politically significant. Small island states have contributed relatively little to global emissions while facing some of the most severe consequences of climate change. Their demands are therefore increasingly framed around climate justice, adaptation and financial support. But the climate debate is also changing. For developing countries, climate policy cannot be separated from development. Countries still require electricity, roads, industries, jobs and food production. They cannot simply be expected to abandon natural resources without access to affordable alternatives, technology and financing. Climate finance is consequently central to the negotiations. The World Trade Organization's discussions on trade and climate measures also highlight another emerging challenge. Carbon standards, green subsidies and environmental requirements increasingly influence international trade. Properly designed, these policies can accelerate cleaner production. Poorly designed, they can become new barriers against developing country exports. For Africa, climate diplomacy must therefore pursue two objectives simultaneously: greater resilience to climate change and access to the finance and technology required for low carbon development. Artificial Intelligence The technology story is equally revealing. Anthropic's IPO prospectus, reported by Reuters, reflects the extraordinary scale of investment flowing into frontier artificial intelligence and the expectation that the technology could transform major sectors of the global economy. The AI race increasingly resembles earlier strategic contests over energy, computing and telecommunications. The central question is no longer whether AI will affect economies. It is who will control the infrastructure, models, data and computing capacity that underpin the technology. This creates a significant development challenge. Advanced economies and major technology companies are investing billions of dollars in data centres, chips and research, while many developing countries remain heavily dependent on imported systems. Without appropriate policies, AI could deepen existing inequalities at unprecedented speed. UNCTAD has called for international cooperation on AI, investment and green industrial development, emphasizing the importance of ensuring that technological progress expands development opportunities rather than widening global divides. For Africa, the opportunity is substantial. AI could improve agriculture, education, healthcare, public administration and manufacturing. But realizing that potential requires investment in digital infrastructure, data systems, research, skills and local entrepreneurship. Africa cannot afford to approach AI solely as a consumer technology. Latin America Latin America is entering another important political phase. Brazil's presidential contest has become one of the region's most consequential political developments because of the country's economic weight, agricultural importance and role in global climate diplomacy. Brazil's political direction has implications for the Amazon, relations with Washington and Beijing, agricultural trade and the wider political balance in Latin America. Across the region, conservative and nationalist movements have gained ground in several countries. Yet ideology alone does not explain the shift. Voters remain concerned about inflation, crime, employment, public services and corruption. The broader pattern is visible beyond Latin America. In many countries, voters increasingly judge governments through the lens of economic security and the state's ability to provide stability. South Asia Tensions between India and Pakistan have also resurfaced, underscoring the fragility of relations between the two nuclear armed neighbours. Pakistan summoned India's chargé d'affaires following the reported killing of two Pakistani civilians by Indian border forces. Although such incidents do not automatically lead to major escalation, the political environment remains highly sensitive. Pakistan is simultaneously dealing with domestic political tensions and economic pressures, while India continues to strengthen its position as one of the world's major economic and geopolitical powers. New Delhi is deepening relations with Western economies while maintaining engagement with Russia, expanding ties with African states and participating actively in BRICS. This flexible diplomacy reflects one of the defining characteristics of the emerging multipolar system: countries increasingly seek strategic autonomy rather than permanent alignment with a single major power. The Rise of Strategic Autonomy Strategic autonomy is becoming one of the defining concepts of contemporary international politics. Europe wants greater capacity to defend itself without abandoning its transatlantic alliance. India seeks stronger ties with the United States without becoming part of an anti China bloc. African countries want investment from China, Europe, the United States and Gulf states without surrendering diplomatic independence. Middle Eastern powers are increasingly cultivating relationships with multiple major powers simultaneously. This is different from the rigid bloc politics of the Cold War. Today's international system is more fragmented. A country can cooperate with one power on defence, another on infrastructure and another on trade. That flexibility creates opportunities, but it also exposes a fundamental reality: strategic autonomy requires economic strength. A country that produces its own electricity, food, industrial goods and technology has greater diplomatic freedom than one dependent on external suppliers for basic necessities. Productive capacity is therefore becoming a foundation of sovereignty. The Humanitarian Crisis Perhaps the greatest danger of the current international environment is that multiple crises are competing simultaneously for attention and funding. Ukraine requires continued humanitarian support. Gaza faces enormous humanitarian and reconstruction needs. Sudan remains trapped in a devastating conflict. Northern Ethiopia is again experiencing displacement and humanitarian disruption. Climate emergencies are worsening food insecurity in vulnerable countries. At the same time, humanitarian organizations face severe funding shortages. The UN has warned that financial constraints are forcing agencies to reduce operations in several crisis areas. This creates a dangerous cycle. As geopolitical competition intensifies, governments devote greater resources to defence. As military spending rises, humanitarian financing can become harder to sustain. Yet unresolved humanitarian crises can generate further instability, displacement and security pressures. Humanitarian assistance should therefore not be treated simply as charity. It is an investment in international stability. Conclusion The world entering October 2026 is not simply experiencing a collection of unrelated crises. A deeper transformation is underway. Competition among major powers is increasingly being conducted through technology, trade, finance, energy and industrial capacity alongside conventional military power. Regional conflicts are becoming interconnected. Climate change is intensifying pressure on governments. Artificial intelligence is opening enormous economic opportunities while creating new inequalities. Developing countries are searching for greater strategic autonomy. Ukraine demonstrates the importance of industrial and technological capacity. Gaza demonstrates the consequences of diplomatic failure. The Horn of Africa demonstrates the danger of regionalized conflict. Global financial markets reveal the vulnerability created by expensive capital. The AI race demonstrates the strategic value of technological capability. Climate negotiations show that development and environmental policy can no longer be separated. For Africa, the moment is both dangerous and full of opportunity. The continent cannot control every external shock, but it can strengthen its ability to withstand them. It can invest in energy, agriculture, manufacturing, infrastructure, education, technology and regional trade. It can use mineral wealth to build industries rather than simply export raw materials. It can strengthen regional diplomacy and prevent local disputes from becoming international crises. The renewed fighting in Tigray demonstrates how quickly domestic instability can acquire a regional dimension. Preventing another prolonged conflict and protecting the country's development trajectory must therefore remain national priorities. At the same time, Ethiopia's geography, population, economic potential, water resources and position in the Horn mean that its stability matters well beyond its borders. The country consequently faces a dual imperative: consolidate internal peace while sustaining economic transformation. The broader global lesson is equally important. The international system is neither returning to the old order nor operating under a fully established new one. It is in transition. Power is becoming more distributed, but competition is becoming sharper. Globalization continues, but strategic dependence is increasingly viewed as a vulnerability. Diplomacy remains indispensable, but military and economic power increasingly determine its limits. The countries most likely to succeed in this environment will not necessarily be those that simply choose one great power over another. They will be those that build sufficient economic, technological, institutional and diplomatic strength to make independent choices. That is the defining geopolitical challenge of the years ahead.

By Staff Writer September 27–October 3, 2026 Ethiopia closed the week with a series of developments that underscored its increasingly assertive role in shaping the political, economic and strategic future of the Horn of Africa, the Red Sea region and the Nile Basin. From advancing regional economic integration and moving its long-awaited National Dialogue toward implementation to launching a formal assessment of economic losses linked to Nile projects obstructed by Egypt, Ethiopia demonstrated a growing determination to pursue development, national consensus and what it regards as its legitimate regional and water-resource interests. The week also saw Ethiopia take firm diplomatic measures against Eritrea and Egypt, while continuing to emphasize peaceful coexistence, regional stability and cooperation. Regional Integration: Ethiopia Looks Beyond Its Borders Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s participation in the groundbreaking ceremony for Kenya’s multibillion-dollar Lamu Petroleum Refinery highlighted Ethiopia’s continued push for deeper regional economic integration.   The refinery, backed by the Dangote Group, is expected to become a major addition to East Africa’s energy infrastructure. Located along the strategic Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) Corridor, the facility is designed to process crude oil and supply refined petroleum products—including petrol, diesel and aviation fuel—to regional markets. Speaking at the ceremony attended by African heads of state and government, industrialist Aliko Dangote, ministers, ambassadors and other dignitaries, Prime Minister Abiy said the project would give Ethiopia an additional regional source of refined petroleum while creating new opportunities for trade and investment. For years, African economies have remained heavily dependent on fuel refined outside the continent, exposing them to global market disruptions and price volatility. As African cities expand and industrial demand rises, Abiy stressed the importance of developing refining capacity closer to African consumers and building more resilient regional supply systems. “The Lamu refinery offers a way to change that balance,” he said, noting that the project could bring refining capacity closer to regional markets. The project’s strategic importance extends beyond fuel production. Its position along the LAPSSET Corridor could strengthen connections between production centers, transport networks and regional markets, further linking East Africa’s economies. According to the Dangote Group, Kenya’s 16 billion USD Lamu oil refinery, with a planned capacity of 700,000 barrels per day, represents a major step in Africa’s industrialization drive. For Ethiopia, the project signals something broader: regional infrastructure is increasingly being viewed not simply as a national asset, but as a foundation for shared economic growth and greater regional resilience. National Dialogue Enters a New Chapter At home, Ethiopia’s National Dialogue moved from deliberation toward implementation. The Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission (ENDC) formally handed over its consolidated agenda items and recommendations to the House of People’s Representatives, the federal government and regional governments in the presence of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.   The handover marks a critical transition—from nationwide consultation and consensus-building to institutional consideration and implementation of the recommendations. Prime Minister Abiy said he attended and oversaw the formal handover, describing it as an important milestone in the country’s National Dialogue process. Chief Commissioner of the ENDC Professor Mesfin Araya said the process demonstrated that Ethiopians are capable of engaging in civilized dialogue, bridging differences and building consensus around shared national concerns. Established under Proclamation No. 1265/2021, the Commission was mandated to help address longstanding historical grievances and differences through an inclusive, peaceful and structured national process. The Commission conducted consultations across Ethiopia’s 12 regional states and the two city administrations of Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa, collecting more than 2,000 agenda submissions from citizens. The National Dialogue subsequently reached consensus across its eight thematic pillars before the agenda items and recommendations were harmonized and consolidated. The challenge now is no longer simply reaching consensus—it is translating that consensus into meaningful institutional action. The development comes as Ethiopia enters a new political phase following the conclusion of the 7th General Election and the establishment of newly elected regional and city councils. Regional councils have completed the formation of their governments and elected chief administrators, laying the institutional groundwork for the next phase of governance. Ethiopia’s Bold Nile Move: Assessing the Cost of Obstructed Development Perhaps the week’s most consequential development on the Nile came from the Ministry of Water and Energy. Ethiopia has established a national committee to assess economic losses and foregone development opportunities associated with water projects that the country says were “blocked or obstructed by Egyptians.” In an exclusive interview with ENA, Minister of Water and Energy Habtamu Itefa said the committee had so far identified more than 22 development projects, including the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), that Ethiopia says faced obstruction from Egypt. “We have established a national committee. And as a committee, we counted more than 22 projects that have been blocked or obstructed by Egyptians, including the GERD project,” the minister said.   The committee is now compiling evidence and examining the basis for Ethiopia’s potential compensation claims. According to Habtamu, the assessment involves experts, former ministers, advisers and legal professionals who are examining the scale of the alleged losses, foregone opportunities and possible approaches for addressing them. “We are already collecting the evidence,” he said, adding that Ethiopia has documented projects it says Egypt opposed, including the GERD. The move adds a new dimension to Ethiopia’s longstanding position on the equitable utilization and development of the Nile Basin. Rather than limiting the debate to the construction and operation of individual dams, Ethiopia is now seeking to quantify what it considers the broader economic and developmental costs of decades of restrictions on its utilization of Nile waters. The establishment of the committee could therefore mark the beginning of a more structured Ethiopian effort to place the economic dimension of Nile politics at the center of future discussions. A Sharper Diplomatic Front Ethiopia also adopted unusually firm diplomatic measures during the week. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced the closure of Ethiopia’s embassy in Asmara and declared 10 Eritrean diplomats persona non grata, ordering them to leave Ethiopia within 48 hours.   The ministry said the decision followed what it described as Eritrea’s direct and indirect acts of hostility and belligerence against Ethiopia, including activities it said posed a threat to national security and violated the principles governing diplomatic relations. Despite the measures, Ethiopia reiterated that it values the historical, cultural and people-to-people ties between the two countries and remains committed to peaceful coexistence, regional stability and integration. In another diplomatic development, Ethiopia declared an Egyptian diplomatic staff member, persona non grata and ordered him to leave the country within 48 hours. The Ethiopian Foreign Ministry said the decision was taken in accordance with the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, the international framework governing relations between states. The twin diplomatic measures involving Eritrea and Egypt came against the backdrop of Ethiopia’s increasingly assertive regional and Nile diplomacy. Yet Addis Ababa continued to frame its broader approach around peaceful resolution of disputes, sovereign equality, regional cooperation and long-term stability in the Horn of Africa. Cultural Aspect Hundreds of thousands of people celebrated Hora Finfinnee, part of the annual Irreechaa thanksgiving festival, in Addis Ababa, bringing together tens of thousands of people in a vibrant display of Oromo culture, tradition and unity. Dressed in colorful traditional attire, people from different parts of Ethiopia gathered at Hora Finfinnee on Saturday morning to mark Irreechaa, a traditional Oromo thanksgiving ceremony celebrated at the end of the rainy season and the beginning of the harvest season.   On the following day, Irreechaa Hora Arsedi, the Oromo thanksgiving festival, was celebrated colorfully in Bishoftu, drawing large crowds to the lakeside and public gathering places across the town. This year’s celebration was attended by various segments of society, including Aba Gadas and Hadha Sinqes, as well as cultural and community representatives. A Week That Signals a Broader Direction Taken together, the developments of the week reveal a country moving simultaneously on several strategic fronts. Economically, Ethiopia is deepening regional integration and seeking stronger links to East Africa’s emerging infrastructure and energy networks. Politically, the National Dialogue has entered its most consequential phase, with recommendations moving from national consultation into the hands of institutions responsible for implementation. On the Nile, Ethiopia has introduced a potentially new dimension to the longstanding dispute with Egypt by establishing a formal mechanism to assess alleged economic losses and foregone development opportunities. Diplomatically, Addis Ababa has demonstrated a willingness to take firm measures when it believes its national security and sovereign interests are being challenged, while maintaining that peaceful coexistence and regional cooperation remain its preferred course. As Ethiopia moves toward the formation of a new federal government following the 7th General Election, these developments point to a broader strategic direction: greater economic integration, stronger national institutions, a more assertive approach to Ethiopia’s water and development interests, and a determined effort to shape the future of the Horn of Africa from a position of greater confidence. The week was therefore more than a collection of separate political and economic events. It offered a glimpse into Ethiopia’s emerging posture, integrating where cooperation serves development, building consensus at home, defending its strategic interests and seeking a stronger voice in the affairs of the region.

By Temesgen Assefa October 4, 2026 (ENA) Over the week, Ethiopia took decisive action against Eritrea by closing its embassy in Asmara and declaring 10 Eritrean diplomats’ persona non grata. This move, announced by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is a direct response to Eritrea's continued acts of hostility and belligerence against Ethiopia, which have posed a direct threat to Ethiopia's national security. The declaration of these diplomats as persona non grata, due to their involvement in activities breaching the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, highlights the serious nature of Eritrea's actions and Ethiopia's commitment to protecting its sovereignty. The Ethiopian government's decision to close its embassy in Asmara and expel Eritrean diplomats reflects its resolve to address the ongoing challenges posed by Eritrea's aggressive foreign policy. Despite these measures, Ethiopia has reaffirmed its commitment to peaceful coexistence, regional stability, and integration, underscoring its desire for a stable and secure Horn of Africa. The historical context of Eritrea's foreign policy, marked by militarization, territorial disputes, and proxy wars, has significantly contributed to the instability of the Horn of Africa. Eritrea's Legacy of Instability on the Horn of Africa Since separating in 1993, the Eritrean government has consistently pursued foreign and security policies that have contributed to the destabilization of the Horn of Africa. Over the decades, the ruling party has relied on heavy militarization, armed interventions, and proxy networks, resulting in a distinct pattern of regional conflict, political isolation, and persistent disregard for diplomatic norms. From direct military clashes with every neighboring country to strategic alliances with non-state armed groups, the post-independence trajectory of the nation has exerted a profound and enduring impact on the security landscape of the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea corridor. It seems that Eritrea's path under Isaias Afwerki to statehood fostered a national security doctrine centered on military bullying and geopolitical assertiveness. While early independence was met with international hopes that Asmara would emerge as a stable partner, the government quickly engaged in territorial disputes across its borders. In December 1995, Eritrean forces launched a military campaign against Yemen over the strategic Zukur-Hanish archipelago in the southern Red Sea. The crisis was eventually resolved through international arbitration under the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 1998. This pattern of border friction escalated dramatically when Eritrean forces invaded Badme and surrounding Ethiopian territories in May 1998, sparking a full-scale war that lasted until 2000. Initiated by this act of Eritrean aggression, the conflict caused massive military casualties, displaced hundreds of thousands of civilians, and severely impacted the economies of both nations. The conflict has resulted in nearly two decades of militarized standoff. Furthermore, in June 2008, long-standing border frictions along the northern Djiboutian border erupted into direct military clashes over the strategic Ras Doumeira peninsula and Doumeira Island, requiring the deployment of peacekeeping forces in 2010 to monitor the buffer zone until their withdrawal in 2017. Beyond border skirmishes, the Eritrean leadership developed a broader regional strategy defined by proxy warfare and opposition support, aiming to project power and counter regional competitors. During the late 2000s, international monitoring revealed that Asmara was providing financial, political, and logistical backing to Somali insurgent factions fighting anti-insurgency forces and the Transitional Federal Government, including the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia and Al-Shabaab. Designed primarily as a proxy counterweight against Ethiopia, these actions prompted the United Nations Security Council to pass Resolution 1907 in December 2009, imposing an international arms embargo, travel bans, and targeted asset freezes on Eritrea that remained active until late 2018. In addition to its actions in Somalia, Eritrea had previously severed diplomatic ties with Khartoum in the mid-1990s and openly hosted the National Democratic Alliance opposition coalition. Concurrently, during the Second Congo War from 1998 to 2003, Eritrea was reportedly involved in the conflict. Following the 2018 diplomatic rapprochement between Asmara and Addis Ababa, there was much hope that things would finally be resolved. However, as the adage goes, "old habits die hard," and the regime in Asmara has struggled to break free from its ingrained tendencies towards hostility. Despite the Pretoria Peace Agreement, the regime has reverted to its default mode of antagonism, reigniting tensions in the region. This regression to animosity raises questions about its sincerity in pursuing peace and underscores the need for sustained international engagement to encourage the regime to stay on the path of peace. Internally, Eritrea's foreign policy is closely linked to its domestic governance model. The regime maintains an indefinite national service program, strict state control of the domestic economy, and severe limits on civil liberties and press freedoms. This domestic climate has fueled high per-capita rates of outward migration, placing substantial humanitarian and administrative demands on neighboring host nations, including Sudan, Ethiopia, and Djibouti. Furthermore, the systematic diversion of national resources toward defense and military readiness has severely restricted private-sector growth, infrastructure investment, and human capital development within the country. The cumulative footprint of Eritrea's foreign interventions has hindered economic integration across the Intergovernmental Authority on Development bloc, interrupted much-needed trade with countries in the Horn, and heightened regional vulnerability to external geopolitical friction. The Way Forward Lasting stability in the region requires the transparent and legally binding settlement of disputed border sectors across the Horn, including outstanding points between Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Djibouti. At the same time, regional and international humanitarian entities must address the demographic impact of displacement while encouraging domestic governance reforms, such as scaling back indefinite national service, to foster economic stability and reduce cross-border refugee pressure. Only through verified commitments to non-interference and collective security can the countries of the Horn of Africa construct a stable and prosperous future for their populations. According to data from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, Africa's broader economy continues to show strong momentum, with Sub-Saharan Africa expanding at around 4 percent annually. Within the continent, East Africa stands out as the fastest-growing sub-region, routinely outstripping global averages with growth rates between 5 and 6 percent, anchored by major regional players like Ethiopia. Yet, while neighboring economies capitalize on expanding infrastructure, agricultural modernization, and dynamic trade networks, Eritrea remains stubbornly anchored in decades-old militarized politics. The central government's systemic malfunction—marked by heavy defense spending, isolationism, and mandatory indefinite conscription—has stifled private sector growth, crippled domestic output, and resulted in severe, persistent poverty for its population. By redirecting state resources away from regional destabilization and proxy conflicts toward domestic economic development, Eritrea could fundamentally alter its national trajectory. Unlocking its strategic Red Sea ports and integrating with the broader East African market, particularly through deep economic and logistical cooperation with Ethiopia—would be the only option for Asmara. Instead of remaining enticed by century-old rivalries and missing out on the massive economic boom reshaping the Horn of Africa, a peaceful and integrated Eritrea could leverage regional peace to build sustainable infrastructure, attract foreign investment, and secure a prosperous future for its people.

By Tesfatsion Tariku Addis Ababa, October 3, 2026 (ENA)— There is a moment in Ethiopia when the clouds begin to retreat, the rains that have drenched the highlands for months begin to ease, and the landscape takes on a different beauty. The skies clear to an azure blue, the countryside remains lush and green, and the yellow Adey flowers begin to bloom across fields and hillsides. After months of rain, mud and overcast skies, the sun returns with a promise of renewal. For millions of Oromo people, this transformation is more than a change in the weather. It is a moment to give thanks for life, the blessings of the past season and the hope of the season ahead. It is the time of Irreecha, one of Ethiopia’s most distinctive and deeply rooted cultural celebrations. As the rainy season gives way to Birraa, the bright season, people travel from towns and villages, from across Ethiopia and from the diaspora, to gather at rivers, lakes and other traditional ceremonial sites. They come carrying fresh green grass and flowers, dressed in traditional garments and adorned with ornaments that tell stories of identity, ancestry and belonging. But Irreecha is not simply a festival to watch. It is a tradition to experience: in the songs that rise above the gathering, the prayers offered beside the water, the rhythm of traditional dances, the blessings of elders and the joy of families reunited. Above all, it is an expression of gratitude. When Nature Becomes Part of the Celebration To understand Irreecha, one must first understand its relationship with nature. The Ethiopian rainy season transforms the land, replenishing rivers, lakes, fields and pastures. Yet the prolonged rains also bring cloudy days, muddy roads and difficult journeys in many parts of the country. When the skies clear and the landscape begins to welcome the new season, the change is felt not only in the environment but also in the lives and expectations of the people. The blooming of the Adey flower, with its bright yellow petals, has become one of the most recognizable signs of this seasonal transition. Against the green countryside and blue sky, it captures the feeling of a landscape emerging from the rains into light. In the Oromo worldview, this transition provides an occasion to thank Waaqa, the Creator, for life, rainfall, fertility and the blessings that sustain communities. Irreecha expresses the understanding that human life is inseparable from the natural world and that the gifts people receive should be met with gratitude. The festival also looks forward. The end of the rainy season is a threshold between what has passed and what is to come. People give thanks for the blessings they have received while praying for peace, good health, prosperity, successful harvests and a better year ahead. This combination of gratitude and expectation gives Irreecha its enduring meaning. It looks back with appreciation but faces the future with hope. A Sea of Green Grass, Flowers and Traditional Beauty At the principal celebration sites, particularly Hora Finfinnee in Addis Ababa and Hora Arsadi, also known as Hora Harsadii, in Bishoftu, the gathering becomes a remarkable display of Oromo cultural life. From the early hours, people arrive in groups, many having travelled long distances. Families walk together, friends meet after long separations, and elders are accompanied by younger generations. Traditional clothing, carefully prepared ornaments and distinctive hairstyles transform the gathering into a living exhibition of cultural artistry. Many participants wear white garments, while others display richly decorated traditional attire and colorful accessories. Women adorn themselves with Caaccuu, traditional beads and ornaments, and carry Siinqee, a culturally significant stick associated with Oromo women's identity and social role. Men and women alike wear garments that reflect the traditions of their communities and the craftsmanship passed down through generations. The fresh grass and flowers carried by participants are not merely decorations. They are central to the thanksgiving ritual, representing the living landscape and the gratitude expressed through the ceremony. As the gathering moves towards the water, traditional songs and chants accompany the procession. Women sing devotional expressions, including the familiar call of “Maariyoo, Maareyoo,” while participants join in songs of praise, prayer and thanksgiving. The voices rise and fall together, creating a soundscape that connects the present gathering with generations of observance. There is beauty in the clothing, but the meaning goes deeper than appearance. Each ornament, garment, song and ritual carries cultural knowledge. Together, they allow the Oromo people to celebrate their identity not as something preserved only in books or museums, but as a living tradition practised by people of all ages. At the Water’s Edge: The Heart of Irreecha The physical setting of Irreecha is inseparable from its spiritual significance. Irreecha Malkaa is observed at riversides and lakes, while Irreecha Tullu is associated with hills and mountain tops. The celebrations at Hora Finfinnee and Hora Arsadi have become particularly prominent gatherings, attracting large numbers of participants from across the country and beyond. At the water's edge, participants carry their fresh grass and flowers as traditional and spiritual leaders guide the ceremony. Prayers, songs of praise and expressions of thanksgiving accompany the ritual. The grass and flowers are placed in the water in accordance with customary practices, giving physical expression to gratitude for the blessings of the Creator and the gifts of nature. Water is central to the meaning of the ceremony. It sustains human life, nourishes crops and pastures, and supports the natural systems on which communities depend. In a country whose agriculture and rural livelihoods are closely connected to seasonal rainfall, the significance of water is readily understood. Yet the ceremony is not a celebration of nature alone. It expresses a relationship between people, the Creator and the world that sustains them. By gathering beside the water, participants give thanks for what has been received and pray for what lies ahead. Traditional leaders, including Abbaa Gadaas and Abbaa Malkaas, guide important parts of the observance, while spiritual leaders have their own responsibilities in the customary rites. Their prayers and blessings provide continuity with the practices of earlier generations. For those taking part, the ceremony is a collective expression of faith, memory and belonging. Its significance lies not in spectacle alone, but in the shared act of giving thanks. Women, Elders and the Continuity of Tradition One of the most striking aspects of Irreecha is the visible role of women in the celebration. Women participate in processions, lead songs and appear in traditional dress adorned with beads and other ornaments. Their carrying of Siinqee reflects a cultural institution associated with women's dignity, solidarity and role in community life. Their presence is not incidental to the festival; it is part of the cultural expression through which the tradition is sustained. Elders and traditional leaders, meanwhile, help preserve the knowledge that gives the ceremony its meaning. They guide the rituals, explain customary practices and encourage younger people to carry these traditions forward. For children and young people, Irreecha offers an opportunity to learn by participating. They see how traditional garments are worn, hear the songs of their elders, observe the ceremonial roles and experience the gathering as part of a wider community. Much of cultural heritage survives in precisely this way: through participation, repetition and the quiet transmission of knowledge within families and communities. A song learned from an elder, an ornament carefully prepared for the occasion or a blessing heard beside the water can become part of a young person's own cultural memory. Irreecha therefore connects generations. The people who gather today inherit a tradition shaped by those who came before them, while carrying the responsibility of keeping it meaningful for those who will follow. A Tradition That Calls for Peace and Reconciliation Gratitude is at the heart of Irreecha, but peace and reconciliation are among its most important social values. The celebration offers an occasion for people to renew relationships, forgive past grievances and strengthen bonds with relatives, neighbours and the wider community. In Oromo cultural tradition, thanksgiving is closely associated with goodwill, harmony and the rejection of hatred and revenge. This gives the gathering a meaning beyond the ritual itself. People do not come together only to look back on the past season; they also have an opportunity to consider how they will treat one another in the season ahead. The message is especially relevant in societies where disagreements can strain relationships and weaken trust. Reconciliation requires more than words. It calls for a willingness to listen, acknowledge differences and restore the relationships on which communities depend. Irreecha provides a cultural setting in which these values can be reaffirmed collectively. Its prayers and blessings express hopes for peace, while the gathering itself brings people together through shared observance. Although rooted in Oromo tradition, the celebration increasingly draws Ethiopians from different cultural backgrounds. Visitors and participants from other communities join the festivities, experience Oromo cultural expressions and share in the atmosphere of hospitality and goodwill. This participation does not erase the distinct identity of Irreecha. Rather, it demonstrates how respect for a particular community's heritage can create opportunities for others to learn, appreciate and build relationships across cultural boundaries. From Oromo Heritage to Ethiopia’s Cultural Tapestry Irreecha belongs first and foremost to the Oromo people, whose traditions, cultural institutions and spiritual practices give the celebration its identity. Its significance, however, can also be appreciated within Ethiopia's wider cultural landscape, where diverse communities preserve distinctive forms of music, dress, ritual and collective memory. The festival is closely associated with the Gadaa system, the indigenous Oromo system of governance and social organization. UNESCO inscribed the Gada system on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2016, recognizing its importance as a system of community knowledge, leadership and social organization. Irreecha forms part of the wider cultural world connected with Gadaa traditions. Its annual observance demonstrates how heritage remains alive when people continue to practise it, teach it and adapt its presentation to changing circumstances without losing its essential meaning. The celebration also illustrates that cultural preservation need not mean isolating tradition from contemporary life. Traditional attire and songs now reach wider audiences through photography, film, digital media and cultural exhibitions. Artisans, designers, musicians and other creative practitioners help introduce cultural expressions to new generations and international visitors. For Ethiopia, the challenge and opportunity lie in ensuring that this wider recognition goes hand in hand with respect for the communities that sustain the traditions. Cultural heritage gains depth when its origins are understood, its custodians are respected and its transmission to future generations is supported. A Living Cultural Experience for the World Irreecha also offers opportunities for cultural tourism and local economic activity. Visitors encounter more than a large public gathering. They experience traditional clothing, music, dance, ornaments, food and forms of hospitality that reveal aspects of Oromo life and craftsmanship. The celebration can create opportunities for local businesses, transport providers, accommodation services, artisans, photographers and cultural practitioners. Its appeal rests largely on its authenticity. Irreecha is a community tradition with spiritual and social meaning, not simply a performance arranged for visitors. Its cultural value comes from the people who celebrate it, the knowledge they preserve and the relationships it renews. For international visitors, the festival provides a chance to understand Ethiopia through the lived experiences of its people. The colours of traditional garments, the songs beside the water and the significance of the green grass and flowers offer an introduction to a cultural heritage that cannot be fully understood through photographs alone. Responsible cultural tourism can help widen this appreciation while supporting the preservation of traditions and the livelihoods connected with them. The priority, however, remains the integrity of the celebration and the communities whose heritage it represents. When the Celebration Ends, Its Message Remains As the songs fade and participants begin their journeys home, the meaning of Irreecha extends beyond the celebration sites. The rainy season has passed, the Adey flowers have announced the arrival of Birraa, and a new season has begun. But the most enduring message of the festival is not simply that the weather has changed. It is that renewal offers an opportunity to give thanks, restore relationships and approach the future with hope. In the fresh grass and flowers, there is an expression of gratitude. In the prayers, there is a search for blessing. In the gathering of families and communities, there is a reaffirmation of belonging. And in the emphasis on peace and forgiveness, there is a reminder that the future of any society depends not only on what it possesses, but also on how its people live together. Irreecha's beauty is visible in the colours, songs and dances that fill the celebration. Its deeper beauty lies in the values those expressions carry- respect for nature, gratitude for life, continuity between generations and the possibility of reconciliation. For the Oromo people, it remains a treasured expression of cultural identity and thanksgiving. For other Ethiopians, it offers an opportunity to appreciate the depth and diversity of the country's cultural heritage. For visitors from abroad, it opens a window into a tradition in which nature, spirituality and community are closely intertwined. Every year, as the clouds give way to blue skies and the Adey flowers brighten the Ethiopian landscape, Irreecha returns with a message that is both ancient and enduring: receive the gifts of life with gratitude, meet the future with hope, and make room for peace in the relationships that bind people together.

By Michias Serlemo October 2, 2026 (ENA) Recent recycled statements beaming out of Cairo and Asmara contain claims that Ethiopia’s pushback against their forces both on the propaganda and on-the-ground military fronts was an attempt to deflect local tensions. But the realities show glaring continuity of that familiar historical pattern of regional destabilization by the two. The relationship between Egypt and Eritrean political movements has long been shaped by the strategic anxieties of the Horn of Africa. Cairo’s interest in Eritrea was not simply an expression of solidarity with anticolonial nationalism. Ethiopia’s size, location, and control of the Blue Nile made its political direction consequential to Egyptian perceived “security”. Egypt and Asmara have pursued a continuous, coordinated conspiracy to dismantle Ethiopia and there is ample evidence that establish this assertion. Cairo and the early Eritrean movement Egyptian engagement with Eritrean separatism dates to the movement’s formative years. The Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was established in Cairo in 1960 by exiled Eritrean leaders and students. Egypt offered a political environment in which Eritrean activists could organize, and Cairo’s media gave nationalist and anticolonial messages a regional audience. Egyptian authorities also provided refuge and diplomatic access to Eritrean figures. These connections helped the movement gain visibility and international reach. They also served Egyptian interests. In the decades after the Second World War, Cairo sought influence across Africa and the Arab world, while viewing the Nile basin and Red Sea as central to its security. Ethiopia, a large and increasingly assertive state upstream on the Blue Nile, was therefore more than a neighbor. Supporting Eritrean nationalists offered Cairo a way to cultivate influence near Ethiopia’s northern frontier and to maintain leverage in a strategically important region. Egypt not only saw Eritrean politics as a useful arena for influence, but pursues a policy of providing direct financial, military and training support to adversarial and armed elements to really harm the stability of Ethiopia, a source of 85 percent of the waters of the Nile. Continued support to such elements, in Egypt’s calculations, would mean that pressure on successive Ethiopian governments. That relationship now morphed into a situation where Cairo control much of the policies pursued by the Eritrean movement against Ethiopia. The ELF and later the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) never had local constituencies, and leadership, and political aims are often imports. Nile politics and proxy Egypt’s hegemonic take-all related to the Nile is central to understanding Egyptian policy. For generations, Egyptian governments have treated total ownership and secure access to the river as a vital national interest. Ethiopia’s development of the Blue Nile—including the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD)—has intensified a longstanding dispute over water, development, and regional authority. From Cairo’s perspective, a stronger Ethiopia could alter the balance of power in the basin. From Addis Ababa’s perspective, development of the river is essential to electricity generation, economic growth, and poverty reduction. It is plausible that Egyptian policymakers have viewed political pressure on Ethiopia as advantageous, a pressure that they perfected now to thinly veiled interference. A country occupied by internal conflict has less capacity to pursue ambitious regional projects. To establish that Egypt deliberately supported Eritrean factions in order to prevent Ethiopian development of the Nile is not contested. Egypt’s support for Eritrean independence was designed to deprive Ethiopia of coastline. Eritrea’s independence in 1993 did leave Ethiopia landlocked, transforming its access to trade and maritime routes. That change had major strategic consequences, and Egypt recognized Eritrea quickly. Eritrean independence followed a long-armed struggle and a political settlement shaped by imposed foreign policies. Independence, war, and mutual suspicion The end of the armed struggle did not bring durable harmony between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Eritrea became an independent state in 1993, though through rushed process and shady international deal. The 1998–2000 border war then produced immense human and economic costs. The conflict demonstrated how quickly unresolved disputes could become militarized and how regional alignments could complicate efforts at peace. Egypt had vested interests in the Red Sea and the Nile basin. Egypt waged several 19th century wars against Ethiopia, all of which repelled by the latter. In modern times Cairo reverted to directing Asmara’s military decisions, while providing backing to local militants that embolden them to carry out specific acts of aggression. Egypt waged several wars against the Ethiopian Empire in the 19th century, consisting of two primary invasion campaigns/major military offensives (1874–1876) under Khedive Isma'il Pasha. Asmara served as a hub for every anti-Ethiopian movement as can be verifiably substantiated historically. Contemporary conflict and information warfare Recent regional tensions have exposed a Cairo–Asmara alignment against Ethiopia. There are reasons for concern. Egypt and Ethiopia remain at odds over the GERD, and Ethiopia’s internal conflicts have been incentivized through backing flowing from known foreign sources. In fact, with the international community largely silent, Egypt is shifting to overt military support to those bent on making the Horn of Africa region one large battlefield. The Horn’s history gives Ethiopia legitimate grounds to scrutinize foreign involvement, including any material support to armed groups, and expose them before the world. Foreign actors have always exploited, sometimes even created, internal divisions. Information warfare compounds the problem. Egypt through its partisan outlets, and social media foment messages detrimental to regional stability. Sovereignty, development, and regional stability Ethiopia has a legitimate interest in defending its sovereignty and preventing outside support for armed violence. It also has a strong interest in avoiding a permanent security posture in which every neighboring state is treated as an enemy. The costs of prolonged conflict are borne chiefly by ordinary people: public resources are diverted from health, education, infrastructure, and employment, while trade and regional integration suffer. Eritreans and Egyptians, too, have little to gain from a Horn of Africa trapped in cycles of confrontation. Cairo and Asmara, however, choose this destructive path. Ethiopia can strengthen its position by presenting clear evidence of foreign interference, using regional and international institutions where appropriate, and maintaining channels for diplomacy even during periods of tension. Negotiations over the Nile should address the legitimate development needs of upstream countries. Practical cooperation on trade, transport, energy, and border security could reduce the incentives for proxy competition. Egypt and its proxy Eritrea do no chose this sane path to security. History does reveal a recurring pattern: states pursue influence through alliances, media, diplomacy, and sometimes support for armed movements. Egypt’s early engagement with Eritrean nationalism belongs within that history. Cairo’s overblown concerns about the Nile and Red Sea help explain why it would seek a presence in Eritrean affairs. Eritrea’s relations with Ethiopia, meanwhile, have at times been shaped by rivalry and strategic calculation. Looking at its historical and contemporary totality, the facts on the ground and trends clearly establish a seamless, decades-long Cairo–Asmara plot to weaken Ethiopia. Ethiopia’s Unwavering Legitimacy Amidst relentless external conspiracies, proxy warfare, and hostile encirclement, Ethiopia’s policy posture has stood as a beacon of legality, restraint, and constructive statesmanship. Throughout disputes concerning regional security, border administration, and transboundary water utilization (such as the equitable and reasonable use of the Nile under the Declaration of Principles), Ethiopia has consistently adhered to international legal frameworks, multilateral diplomacy, and peaceful dialogue. Despite possessing clear justification to respond aggressively to decades of proxy provocation, successive Ethiopian administrations have prioritized regional stability, economic partnership, and peaceful coexistence. Ethiopia has repeatedly extended olive branches, pursued regional peace initiatives, and championed African solutions to African problems. Ethiopia’s actions are fully legitimate under international law, grounded in the inherent right of self-defense, sovereign equality, and the promotion of mutual development. While external actors invest in division, destruction, and proxy proxies, Ethiopia continues to anchor its national mission on regional integration, infrastructural connectivity, and the shared prosperity of its peoples. The historical record is unequivocal: the enduring alliance between Cairo and Asmara has served as a principal engine of instability in the Horn of Africa. From the earliest days of armed insurgency to modern-day proxy sponsorship, Shaebia has acted as the operational arm of an external strategy designed to keep Ethiopia weak, divided, and preoccupied with internal survival. Yet, history also demonstrates the resilience of the Ethiopian state. Standing on firm moral, legal, and diplomatic ground, Ethiopia continues to navigate these complex geopolitical traps through patience, adherence to international law, and an unwavering commitment to peace. True regional stability will only dawn when external actors abandon their anachronistic proxy games, respect Ethiopian sovereignty, and embrace genuine, mutually beneficial regional cooperation.

Staff Writer October 1, 2026 (ENA) From the ballot box to a new government, Ethiopia enters a defining chapter of its democratic journey Ethiopia is moving into a decisive new chapter of its political journey, with the country’s federal government set to be formed following the conclusion of the 7th General Election and the establishment of newly elected regional and city councils. The transition marks a critical moment for Africa’s second-most populous nation, not simply because a new administration is taking shape, but because the country is seeking to translate an enormous electoral exercise into functioning institutions, political representation and a renewed national mandate. On October 5, 2026, Ethiopia is scheduled to inaugurate the newly elected House of People’s Representatives and formally establish the new federal government, completing the constitutional process that followed the June 1 general election. The date represents more than the opening of a new parliamentary term. It is the point at which the ballot box gives way to governance, as elected representatives assume responsibility for translating electoral mandates into policies, laws and public institutions. The 7th General Election was conducted on a scale rarely seen in Ethiopia’s history. More than 54 million citizens registered to vote, while 51.7 million cast ballots, according to the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). Forty-two political parties fielded 10,438 candidates, alongside 80 independent candidates, in an electoral process that extended across the country. For Ethiopia, the significance of the moment lies not only in the numbers. It lies in what comes next. From Ballots to Institutions The election has now moved beyond campaigning and voting. Its results are being translated into institutional authority. The Prosperity Party secured 438 of the 501 House of Peoples’ Representatives seats for which results were announced, giving it the parliamentary majority required under Ethiopia’s constitutional system to form the federal executive. The result gives the incoming government a clear parliamentary mandate. But the next chapter will ultimately be measured not by the size of the electoral victory, but by how that mandate is converted into effective governance. That responsibility comes at a consequential time. Ethiopia is simultaneously navigating economic reform, national dialogue, peacebuilding, institutional reform, regional diplomacy and an ambitious development agenda. The new administration will therefore inherit not merely the authority to govern, but a broad set of expectations from citizens, businesses, political actors and international partners. The transition from electioneering to governing will be the real test of the country's institutions. Regional Governments Already Taking Shape The federal transition is being preceded by developments at the regional and city levels.Regional councils have begun constituting their governments and electing their chief administrators, providing the institutional foundation for the next phase of governance. In Addis Ababa, the city council unanimously reappointed Adanech Abiebie as mayor on September 30, giving her another term to lead the capital’s administration. The council cited infrastructure development, administrative reforms and citizen-focused services among the areas of her previous tenure. The developments across the regions and the capital demonstrate that Ethiopia's post-election transition is unfolding through multiple layers of its federal structure rather than through a single event in Addis Ababa. This gradual process—from regional councils to the federal parliament—also underscores the constitutional architecture through which political authority is organized in the country. A Constitutional Transfer of Political Authority Ethiopia's Constitution places the House of People’s Representatives at the center of federal legislative authority and provides the constitutional basis for forming the executive following parliamentary elections. Article 56 provides that the political party or coalition holding a majority in the House forms and leads the federal executive. The election result has therefore established the parliamentary basis for the formation of the next government. The significance of October 5 consequently extends beyond ceremony. It represents the institutional point at which the outcome of the June election becomes a new governing arrangement. For a country with Ethiopia's political complexity, maintaining constitutional continuity during this transition carries particular importance. The election attracted significant continental attention, with the African Union deploying an election observation mission led by former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta. The AU subsequently commended the June 1 election, describing it as an important step in Ethiopia’s democratic evolution and recognizing the role of the National Election Board in administering the process. But the AU’s engagement went beyond election monitoring. As the host of the African Union headquarters and a country with a central diplomatic role on the continent, Ethiopia’s political developments carry significance well beyond its borders. As former President Kenyatta noted ahead of the vote, Ethiopia’s election held importance for the wider African continent. That continental attention now turns to what comes next: the peaceful translation of an electoral mandate into constitutional government. With the new House of Peoples’ Representatives set to open and the federal government to be formed on October 5, Ethiopia is approaching a defining moment. One is that will demonstrate whether electoral competition can be followed by orderly constitutional governance, institutional continuity and a peaceful political transition. Representation Beyond the Winning Party The parliamentary majority gives the Prosperity Party the constitutional basis to form the federal government. At the same time, the presence of opposition representatives in federal and regional legislatures means that Ethiopia's political institutions will continue to contain competing political voices. That matters because democracy does not end when the ballots are counted. The post-election parliament becomes the arena in which competing priorities, interests and political perspectives are translated into legislative debate, scrutiny and public policy. For opposition parties, elected representatives and independent voices, the new parliamentary term provides an institutional platform through which they can represent their constituencies and engage in the country's political process. For the governing party, the parliamentary majority brings the corresponding responsibility of translating its mandate into effective administration and public accountability. The Bigger Test: Turning Political Transition into Peace Perhaps the most important question for Ethiopia now is the new political cycle can help deepen peace and institutional stability. Ethiopia's political history has repeatedly demonstrated the cost of unresolved political disputes. The country's current national dialogue and reconciliation efforts are therefore taking place alongside the formation of the new government. The government has repeatedly presented dialogue, reconciliation and constitutional institutions as important instruments for addressing national challenges. The National Dialogue process has also sought to gather views on longstanding political and social issues across the country. The new government will therefore enter office with expectations extending well beyond economic management. Citizens will look to institutions to deliver security, justice, economic opportunity, public services and accountable governance. Political parties will be expected to compete through institutions rather than confrontation. And the international community will watch how Ethiopia's democratic institutions evolve during the new five-year political cycle. A New Chapter, Not an Ending The formation of a new government is often treated as the conclusion of an election. For Ethiopia, it is better understood as the beginning of the more demanding phase.The ballot has expressed a political choice. The councils are being organized. The federal parliament is preparing to open. The constitutional machinery is moving toward the installation of a new executive. Now comes governance. The coming political term will test whether electoral participation can be converted into stronger institutions; whether political competition can coexist with national dialogue; whether constitutional mechanisms can provide space for disagreement without returning the country to confrontation; and whether the enormous expectations generated by Ethiopia's development ambitions can be matched by institutional capacity. Ethiopia is entering this new chapter with the political authority produced by its seventh general election and with institutions that must now carry that mandate into everyday governance. The country’s democratic journey, therefore, does not end with the announcement of results or the swearing-in of a new government. It moves from the ballot box to the institution, from political competition to public responsibility, and from electoral mandate to the harder work of building peace, prosperity and accountable governance. That is the next chapter Ethiopia is preparing to write.

By Staff writer What the 2nd Ethiopian Finance Forum 2026 Signals for Ethiopia’s Reform Path Ethiopia is advancing its economic transformation through broad structural reforms aimed at strengthening financial stability, expanding investment, boosting domestic production, and building stronger institutions. These reforms are designed to create a more resilient and self-reliant economy capable of generating employment, attracting investment, and supporting sustainable development. The opening of the Second Ethiopian Finance Forum 2026 on Tuesday at the Adwa Victory Memorial Museum highlighted this strategic direction, bringing together key priorities in economic reform, financial sector development, and private sector participation. The forum also focused on ways to transform the country’s human, natural, and institutional resources into powerful drivers of growth and prosperity. Running through October 1, the forum provides a platform to highlight progress in macroeconomic management, expand financing for private enterprises, strengthen agricultural production, and modernize financial services. The key contributors to this progress include ongoing economic reforms, an expanded role for the private sector, enhanced agricultural financing, a declining inflation rate and digitalizing finance. National Economic Reform Ethiopia’s macroeconomic reform program represents a major step toward building an economy aligned with national development priorities while strengthening the state’s capacity to mobilize resources, expand employment and improve citizens’ living standards. Deputy Prime Minister Temesgen Tiruneh said Ethiopia is implementing economic and financial reforms aimed at moving the country from stabilization toward economic transformation. The measures include reforms to the foreign exchange market, monetary policy and financial sector regulation, as well as opening sectors to greater competition and investment. As part of efforts to strengthen national institutions, Ethiopia established Ethiopian Investment Holdings to improve the performance of strategic national assets and institutions, including Ethiopian Airlines, the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia and Ethio Telecom. These institutions have a significant role in expanding services, supporting economic growth and strengthening Ethiopia’s participation in regional and international markets. Ethiopia has also strengthened cooperation with development partners while implementing an economic reform program designed around its national priorities. The program has enabled the country to secure support from the International Monetary Fund to address balance of payments pressures, ease economic imbalances and sustain the reform process. Expanding Private Sector Expanding the role of the private sector has emerged as a major component of Ethiopia’s financial sector reforms, particularly through changes in lending policies that have enabled more resources to reach productive enterprises. The Commercial Bank of Ethiopia increased its annual lending to the private sector from about 30 billion Birr to nearly 300 billion Birr. The number of small and medium sized enterprises benefiting from financing also increased from around 5,000 to 35,000, strengthening their capacity to expand operations, invest and create employment. The bank has also provided financing for home and vehicle purchases by reducing the required down payment to 10 percent and allowing repayment periods of up to 20 years at an interest rate of 14 percent. To support innovation and entrepreneurship, the bank allocated five billion Birr for loans of up to 10 million Birr to emerging entrepreneurs without requiring collateral or an initial contribution. The initiative is intended to create additional opportunities for new businesses and emerging enterprises. These measures reflect efforts to create a financial system that responds more effectively to the needs of the productive economy and enables individuals and institutions to turn ideas into viable economic activities. Agricultural Financing Expanding agricultural financing is another important element of Ethiopia’s economic transformation, given the sector’s contribution to food security, employment, production and trade. The volume of loans extended to agriculture and related sectors increased from 28 billion birr last year to 189 billion Birr. The government is also investing in irrigation development, agricultural mechanization, improved land use and productivity enhancement. Minister of Planning and Development Fitsum Assefa said reform measures have contributed to easing inflationary pressures. She noted that average annual inflation declined from more than 26 percent before the reforms to slightly above 16 percent one year after their implementation, attributing the improvement to coordinated monetary and fiscal measures. Wheat production has emerged as one example of the transformation Ethiopia is seeking to consolidate. According to data presented at the forum, increased domestic wheat production has enabled the country to reduce its dependence on imports and move toward self-sufficiency. The Green Legacy initiative has also contributed to efforts to strengthen agricultural resources and food production while linking environmental protection with long term economic development. Declining of Inflation The decline in average annual headline inflation from about 26 percent in 2024 to nearly 16 percent during the 12 months following the reform reflects progress in efforts to address economic pressures and create a more stable environment for businesses and investors. The reforms included gradual adjustments to the ceiling on bank credit growth, which rose from 14 percent to 18 percent and then 24 percent before the ceiling was abolished. The government also shifted toward instruments such as securities sales to finance budget deficits rather than relying on direct borrowing from the National Bank of Ethiopia. Tax policy reforms have further strengthened the government’s capacity to mobilize and manage domestic revenue, supporting public expenditure and improving coordination between fiscal and monetary policies. Minister of Finance Ahmed Shide said the comprehensive macroeconomic reform has produced tangible results in easing the national debt burden and reducing inflation. He added that completing debt restructuring agreements would help ease pressure on public finances and reduce foreign exchange constraints. At the same time, direct and indirect fuel subsidies have exceeded 600 billion Birr over the past eight years. The government allocated 130 billion Birr for petroleum products during the current fiscal year, in addition to 100 billion birr to support fertilizer supplies, with the stated objective of protecting consumers and maintaining the productive capacity of farmers and businesses. Digitalizing Finance The digital transformation of banking services is another important component of Ethiopia’s financial sector modernization, expanding access to financial services, facilitating transactions and creating new financing opportunities. Services such as CBE Birr and CBE Fast Loan have expanded digital financial services to millions of customers, contributing to financial inclusion and facilitating access to banking services, particularly for small and medium sized enterprises. The forum also witnessed the official launch of the Ethiopian Finance Academy, formerly known as the Ethiopian Financial Studies Institute, following the expansion of its capabilities and the adoption of a new organizational structure. The academy is expected to prepare professionals capable of responding to developments in banking, capital markets and digital finance through training programs, professional certifications and specialized research on financial policy. It will also provide capacity building programs for leaders of financial institutions. The launch was attended by National Bank of Ethiopia Governor Eyob Tekalign, senior bank officials, heads of banking and insurance institutions and other invited guests. Governor Eyob said Ethiopia is working to build a strong and dynamic financial sector capable of supporting the country’s development ambitions and sustainable economic growth. He said strengthening the banking sector includes increasing capital, encouraging mergers and acquisitions, expanding financing and facilitating the participation of foreign banks. Conclusion The discussions at the Second Ethiopian Finance Forum demonstrate an integrated approach to economic transformation that combines macroeconomic stability, institutional development, private investment, increased production and financial modernization. The expansion of private sector lending, the growing number of small and medium sized enterprises accessing finance, increased agricultural financing and the expansion of digital financial services are contributing to a broader economic base and greater participation in national development. The decline in inflation, the development of alternative instruments for budget financing, improved domestic revenue mobilization and progress in debt restructuring are also important components of efforts to create a more stable economic environment. As Ethiopia continues implementing its reform program, greater integration of finance, production, technology and human capital development will be important to ensure that macroeconomic improvements translate into increased employment, higher productivity and improved living standards. The Second Ethiopian Finance Forum therefore provides a platform for assessing the progress of the country’s economic reforms while highlighting the financial sector’s role in mobilizing resources, supporting productive investment and strengthening the foundations for long term economic development.