Addis Ababa, September 24, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed arrived in Djibouti, where he was welcomed by Djiboutian President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh. The two leaders are expected to preside over the announcement of a joint project aimed at further strengthening economic ties and cooperation between Ethiopia and Djibouti, according to Office of the Prime Minister.   Moreover, the project is anticipated to add momentum to the longstanding economic partnership between the two neighboring countries and deepen cooperation in areas of shared strategic interest.

Addis Ababa, September 24, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia has used the 81st United Nations General Assembly to put a broader strategic question before the international community: can a global system facing profound geopolitical, economic, technological and environmental change remain credible without giving greater weight to Africa and the Global South? For President Taye Atske Selassie, the answer is increasingly tied to how the international system distributes voice, opportunity and responsibility.   Addressing the General Debate in New York on September 23, President Taye linked Ethiopia’s national priorities to a wider case for stronger multilateralism, greater African representation in global institutions, peaceful regional integration, reliable maritime connectivity, climate justice, energy transformation, food security and technological inclusion. His message came as the 81st General Assembly meets under the theme “Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations That Delivers for All.” The theme itself reflects an international system under pressure from armed conflicts, widening inequalities, climate emergencies, rapid technological change and declining confidence in multilateral institutions. Against that backdrop, Ethiopia’s intervention was more than a statement of national interests. It was an attempt to place those interests within a larger African and Global South agenda. Africa’s Voice and the Question of Global Legitimacy At the center of Ethiopia’s message is the longstanding question of African representation in global decision-making. President Taye renewed Ethiopia’s call for reform of the United Nations Security Council, arguing that Africa cannot remain structurally underrepresented in an institution whose decisions have profound consequences for international peace and security.   Ethiopia has consistently supported the African Common Position, including the call for two permanent African seats with full rights and responsibilities as well as veto power, alongside additional non-permanent representation. President Taye articulated that position explicitly in earlier engagements with UN leadership and has continued to frame Security Council reform as an issue of fairness, representation and institutional credibility. The argument has gained renewed relevance during this year’s General Assembly. The President of the 81st General Assembly, Khalilur Rahman, has himself identified inclusive global governance and UN reform as central pillars of his programme. In his opening remarks, he said reform must make the Organization more representative and responsive, while emphasizing that Africa’s underrepresentation in the Security Council is particularly significant. For Ethiopia, therefore, the issue is not simply about obtaining a larger African presence in New York. It is about whether institutions created in a very different geopolitical era can adequately represent the world as it exists today. Africa’s demographic weight, economic potential and growing strategic importance have expanded considerably, while its formal representation in the UN’s most powerful decision-making body remains limited. That tension lies at the heart of Ethiopia’s diplomatic argument.   From Multilateralism as Principle to Multilateralism as Security Ethiopia’s position also draws on its own diplomatic history. The country’s experience with the League of Nations and the failure of the international system to prevent fascist aggression in the 1930s has long shaped Addis Ababa’s view of collective security. That history gives Ethiopia a particular reason to treat multilateralism not simply as diplomatic architecture, but as a mechanism whose effectiveness can have direct consequences for national and regional security. The lesson Ethiopia draws is straightforward: international institutions lose credibility when their principles are applied selectively or when entire regions remain inadequately represented in decisions concerning war, peace and security. This perspective also fits Ethiopia’s longstanding diplomatic identity as an African state with deep multilateral engagement and as host of the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa. The result is a foreign-policy narrative in which Ethiopia seeks to speak simultaneously as a national actor and as part of a broader African diplomatic constituency. Sea Access: From National Interest to Regional Connectivity Perhaps the most strategically consequential dimension of President Taye’s message is Ethiopia’s renewed emphasis on reliable sea outlet. For Africa’s second-most populous country and one of the continent’s largest economies, dependence on external maritime infrastructure is not simply a logistical matter. It affects trade costs, supply chains, industrial competitiveness and the country’s ability to integrate more deeply into global markets. President Taye has therefore linked Ethiopia’s economic ambitions with the need for dependable maritime connectivity, while emphasizing diplomatic engagement and arrangements that can serve wider regional interests. That framing matters. Ethiopia is increasingly presenting maritime access not merely as a national demand, but as part of a broader regional connectivity equation involving security, trade, infrastructure, ports, logistics and economic integration across the Horn of Africa. This places the issue within the strategic geography of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, one of the world’s most important maritime corridors. The Ethiopian argument is that a large landlocked economy cannot fully realize its economic potential without predictable access to international maritime trade. At the same time, Addis Ababa has sought to frame connectivity as potentially mutually beneficial: coastal states can gain from investment, logistics, infrastructure and expanded trade generated by stronger links with Ethiopia. The question, therefore, is increasingly about how maritime connectivity can be incorporated into a regional economic architecture and a security lens.   Energy: Turning Africa’s Resources into African Growth President Taye’s message on energy follows a similar logic. Africa possesses enormous renewable-energy potential, yet millions of people remain without reliable electricity and many countries lack the transmission networks, financing and infrastructure required to convert generation capacity into productive economic activity. Ethiopia has sought to position itself at the center of this debate through its renewable-energy expansion and the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). For Addis Ababa, the GERD is not presented simply as a national power project. It is part of a broader development model centered on domestic resource mobilization, renewable energy and regional electricity connectivity. The larger challenge, however, extends beyond generation. Africa needs transmission lines, interconnected grids, storage capacity, investment and industries capable of using electricity productively. This is where Ethiopia’s argument intersects with the wider global debate over energy access: building generation capacity is only one part of an energy transition. The more difficult question is how to finance and connect that capacity so that electricity becomes a foundation for industrialization, digital services, agriculture and employment. In that sense, Ethiopia is attempting to shift the conversation from Africa’s renewable-energy potential to Africa’s ability to convert that potential into economic transformation.   Climate Diplomacy and the Politics of Development Climate change provides another bridge between Ethiopia’s domestic priorities and its international diplomacy. President Taye has emphasized the disparity between countries’ historical contributions to global emissions and their exposure to climate-related consequences, placing questions of climate finance, equity and development at the center of Ethiopia’s position. Ethiopia’s selection to host COP32 in 2027 gives Addis Ababa an additional platform from which to pursue that agenda. The country’s Green Legacy Initiative, renewable-energy expansion and environmental restoration efforts form part of the domestic narrative Ethiopia is taking into international climate diplomacy. But the strategic question extends beyond tree planting or emissions. For many African countries, the climate debate is fundamentally connected to development finance. The continent requires resources not only to mitigate emissions but also to adapt infrastructure, strengthen food systems, expand energy access and protect vulnerable communities. Ethiopia’s message therefore seeks to connect climate responsibility with development opportunity. Food Security as Economic and Strategic Resilience Food security occupies a similar position. President Taye’s reference to Ethiopia’s expansion of wheat production reflects a broader effort to portray domestic agricultural production as a pillar of resilience. The lesson Ethiopia is advancing is that food security cannot be separated from economic stability, national resilience and geopolitical vulnerability. The disruptions of recent years—from conflicts and supply-chain shocks to climate-related disasters—have demonstrated how quickly dependence on international food markets can become a strategic concern. For Ethiopia and other African states, increasing domestic agricultural productivity is therefore increasingly framed not simply as an agricultural policy, but as part of a wider strategy to strengthen economic sovereignty and withstand external shocks. Technology and the Battle Over the Future Technology introduces another dimension to Ethiopia’s international message. Artificial intelligence is rapidly changing economies, labor markets, education, security and global competitiveness. Yet access to computing infrastructure, data, skills and investment remains highly unequal. The danger for Africa is not simply being left behind in the next technological revolution. It is becoming permanently dependent on technologies designed, owned and controlled elsewhere. President Taye’s emphasis on initiatives such as Ethiopia’s 5 Million Coders programme and the country’s efforts to expand digital and AI capabilities reflects an attempt to position technology as a development instrument rather than merely a consumer market. The question is increasingly whether African countries can participate in the creation of the next generation of technologies—and whether global AI governance will give developing countries a meaningful voice. That debate is particularly relevant at this year’s UNGA, where AI governance and the digital divide are prominent elements of the wider discussion on transforming multilateral cooperation. The General Assembly presidency has identified “Innovation with Inclusion” as one of its six pillars, emphasizing inclusive governance and investment to close the digital divide.   The Horn of Africa: Connectivity Cannot Be Separated from Stability Ethiopia’s global message ultimately returns to its immediate neighborhood. The Horn of Africa is simultaneously a zone of immense economic potential and persistent geopolitical vulnerability. Conflict, maritime insecurity, fragile political settlements and competition over strategic infrastructure continue to shape the region. President Taye’s engagement with UN Secretary-General António Guterres on the margins of UNGA 81 focused on peace and security in the Horn of Africa, regional connectivity and sustainable development. Guterres also reaffirmed UN support for Ethiopia’s preparations to host COP32. That combination is revealing. For Ethiopia, security and development are increasingly presented as interconnected rather than separate policy tracks. A stable Horn facilitates trade and infrastructure. Improved connectivity creates economic incentives for cooperation. Greater economic integration can, in turn, strengthen the foundations for regional stability. This is the broader logic behind Ethiopia’s emphasis on maritime access, regional integration and diplomatic engagement. Ethiopia’s UN Message Is About More Than Ethiopia Taken together, President Taye’s UN message forms a relatively coherent strategic picture. Ethiopia is seeking to connect Africa’s voice in global governance with Africa’s ability to drive its own development. Security Council reform addresses political representation. Maritime access addresses connectivity and trade. Renewable energy addresses industrialization and energy access. Food production addresses resilience. Technology addresses future competitiveness. Climate diplomacy addresses development finance and environmental vulnerability. Regional diplomacy addresses the stability required for these ambitions to advance. The common thread is agency. Ethiopia’s argument is that Africa should have greater influence not only over how global institutions make decisions, but also over how the continent’s resources, markets, technologies and development priorities are integrated into the global economy. That makes the message broader than a conventional foreign-policy statement. It is an argument about the architecture of the international system itself. From New York Rhetoric to Concrete Outcomes The harder question begins after the speeches. Calls for reform, representation, connectivity and equitable development are increasingly common in international diplomacy. Their significance ultimately depends on whether they generate institutional changes, financing, infrastructure, partnerships and durable political agreements. For Ethiopia, that means translating its growing diplomatic engagement into tangible outcomes: expanded trade and investment, stronger regional infrastructure, reliable maritime connectivity, renewable-energy partnerships, climate finance, technological capacity and a greater African role in global decision-making. The challenge is substantial. But so is the opportunity. At a moment when the UN itself is confronting questions about relevance, representation and trust, Ethiopia has chosen to place its national interests inside a much larger African and Global South conversation. The message from New York is therefore not simply that Ethiopia wants a stronger voice. It is that Africa wants a greater role in defining the rules of the international system—and Ethiopia intends to be part of that conversation. The measure of the strategy will now be what follows: whether diplomatic principles can be converted into practical partnerships, regional connectivity, development gains and institutional change. That is where Ethiopia’s UN message moves from rhetoric to strategy.

Addis Ababa, September 24, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia has placed digital financial inclusion at the center of its development strategy, highlighting the country’s rapid expansion of digital payments, national digital identity and digital public infrastructure as key tools for accelerating progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The message came at a high-level side event held on the margins of the 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA 81) in New York, jointly convened by the Permanent Mission of Ethiopia to the United Nations and the United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF). The event brought together government officials, development partners and private-sector representatives to examine how Ethiopia’s digital transformation is opening new avenues for economic opportunity, enterprise development, productivity and improved livelihoods.   At the heart of the discussions was a broader shift in Ethiopia’s approach: digital finance is increasingly being treated not simply as a financial product, but as part of the country’s foundational economic infrastructure. Welcoming participants, Ethiopia’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Tesfaye Yilma, highlighted the country’s digital transformation journey and the progress made in establishing an ecosystem for digital payments, digital identity and digitally enabled public services. On her part, Minister of Planning and Development Fitsum Assefa, delivering the keynote address, said Ethiopia’s policy frameworks and digital initiatives are positioning financial inclusion as an important catalyst for SDG implementation.   She pointed to Digital Ethiopia 2030, the National Financial Inclusion Strategy, Fayda, interoperable payment systems and BRIDGE 2030 as key pillars of the country’s efforts to build an increasingly integrated digital economy. Ethiopia’s national digital identity system, Fayda, has emerged as a particularly important component of this transformation, providing a foundational platform through which citizens can increasingly access financial and public services. Minister and Advisor to the Prime Minister Getachew Reda underscored the wider economic implications of digital financial inclusion, emphasizing its potential to strengthen economic dynamism, broaden participation and raise productivity. For development partners, the challenge now extends beyond simply connecting people to digital financial services. UNCDF Executive Secretary Pradeep Kurukulasuriya stressed the importance of capital in enabling small businesses and emerging enterprises to invest, expand and create jobs, while drawing attention to persistent financing constraints in developing economies.   Navid Hanif, Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development at the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), meanwhile, commended Ethiopia’s progress and emphasized the wider role of digital transformation and financial inclusion in advancing inclusive and sustainable development. The discussions pointed to a critical next phase for Ethiopia’s digital transformation: moving from access to productive use. That means ensuring that digital financial tools translate into tangible economic gains — enabling businesses to grow, supporting entrepreneurship, expanding access to capital, improving productivity and creating opportunities for people who have traditionally remained outside formal financial systems. The side event also highlighted the importance of taking successful national innovations beyond domestic applications through greater investment, stronger public-private partnerships, South-South cooperation and regional integration. For Ethiopia, the message at UNGA 81 underscored an emerging development model in which digital identity, payments, financial services and public infrastructure are increasingly interconnected as building blocks of economic transformation and SDG delivery, it was learned.

Addis Ababa, September 24, 2026 (ENA) — Ethiopia has placed its pursuit of reliable maritime access firmly on the global diplomatic agenda, with President Taye Atske-Selassie telling the United Nations that securing access to the sea is essential to sustaining the country’s economic transformation and deepening its integration into global trade. Addressing the General Debate of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly today, President Taye said Ethiopia is pursuing all possible diplomatic avenues to secure access to and from the sea. He also stressed that the issue can be addressed in a way that serves the common interests and development of countries in the region.   “Despite these tremendous achievements, Mr. President, we have come to recognize that our efforts to build a strong economy cannot generate a sustained development without reliable and dependable access to the sea,” he said. The President framed Ethiopia’s sea outlet aspiration within a broader vision of regional connectivity, economic integration and shared prosperity, rather than as an isolated national objective. He said Ethiopia remains committed to strengthening cooperation and integration in the Horn of Africa through infrastructure development, trade and people-to-people relations, while urging respect for the region’s right to peace and development. President Taye’s address also linked Ethiopia’s maritime ambitions to its expanding economic and infrastructure agenda, highlighting a planned 12.5 billion USD international airport designed to handle up to 110 million passengers and about four million tons of cargo annually. He said the project would strengthen Ethiopia’s connectivity and contribute to the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area.   Opening his address with a reference to Emperor Haile Selassie’s historic 1963 UN speech, President Taye said lasting peace depends on cooperation grounded in sovereign equality rather than domination. He warned that the international community must reinforce collective security and reform multilateral institutions to reflect today’s global realities. President Taye also renewed Ethiopia’s call for comprehensive reform of the UN Security Council, arguing that Africa has waited too long for equitable representation in global decision-making. He highlighted Ethiopia’s progress in renewable energy, food security, environmental restoration and digital development, including the Green Legacy Initiative and the 5 Million Coders program, while reaffirming Ethiopia’s readiness to host COP32 in 2027.   The President called for sustained regional and international cooperation to advance renewable energy, connectivity, food security, manufacturing and urban development. Concluding his address, President Taye reaffirmed Ethiopia’s commitment to multilateralism, human dignity, justice and solidarity, saying stronger international cooperation is essential to confronting the challenges facing current and future generations.

Addis Ababa, September 23, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopian President Taye Atske Selassie called for a stronger and more equitable multilateral system, urging the international community to reinforce collective security, address global inequality and give Africa a meaningful voice in global decision-making. Addressing the General Debate of the 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly, President Taye said lasting peace can only be achieved through cooperation based on sovereign equality, recalling Emperor Haile Selassie’s historic appeal to the UN in 1963. He warned that weakening collective security and rising power politics are undermining the foundations of the international order, stressing that multilateralism must remain a central safeguard against conflict. President Taye identified climate change, artificial intelligence and widening inequality among the defining challenges facing humanity, calling for greater political commitment to ensure that technological and economic progress benefits the Global South. He reaffirmed Ethiopia’s readiness to host COP32 in 2027, inviting world leaders and international stakeholders to Ethiopia to advance practical and inclusive climate solutions. The President also renewed Ethiopia’s call for comprehensive UN reform, particularly reform of the Security Council, saying Africa has waited too long for equitable representation in global decision-making. “Africa has waited far too long in the shadows of global decision-making,” he said, questioning how the denial of meaningful representation to more than 1.6 billion Africans can be justified. On regional affairs, President Taye reaffirmed Ethiopia’s commitment to peace, regional integration and development in the Horn of Africa, while calling for a Sudanese-led and Sudanese-owned solution to the conflict in Sudan. He also highlighted Ethiopia’s progress in food security, renewable energy, environmental restoration and digital development, including the Green Legacy Initiative, the 5 Million Coders program and the country’s clean-energy ambitions. The President described the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam as a major Pan-African clean-energy project capable of contributing to regional prosperity. He further emphasized Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable maritime access, saying dependable access to the sea is essential to sustaining the country’s economic transformation and integration into global trade. “We are pursuing all possible diplomatic avenues to secure access to and from the sea to ensure Ethiopia’s integration into the global trading system,” he said. President Taye concluded by reaffirming Ethiopia’s commitment to multilateralism, human dignity, justice and solidarity, urging nations to collectively reshape international cooperation to meet the challenges facing current and future generations.

Addis Ababa, September 23, 2026 (ENA) — Ethiopia welcomed more than 1.6 million international tourists during the 2018 Ethiopian Fiscal Year (EFY), generating over 5 billion US dollars in revenue, according to the Ministry of Tourism. Tourism Minister Selamawit Kassa disclosed the figures today during a press briefing on Ethiopia’s preparations for World Tourism Day, which will be celebrated on September 27, 2026. According to the Minister, international tourist arrivals increased by more than 300,000 compared with the previous fiscal year, while foreign exchange earnings rose by more than 21 percent. This year’s World Tourism Day theme, “Digital Agenda and Artificial Intelligence to Redesign Tourism,” highlights the growing role of technology in improving visitor services, streamlining tourism value chains and enhancing destination marketing. In line with the theme, the Ministry has officially inaugurated a new Tourist Information Center near Bole International Airport. Strategically located to engage transit passengers passing through Addis Ababa, the center provides regularly updated digital information on Ethiopia’s tourist attractions, cultural and natural heritage sites, and upcoming events. The center is equipped with digital maps and multimedia displays designed to showcase Ethiopia’s tourism offerings to passengers during brief layovers. The government has also introduced a seven day visa free policy for eligible transit visitors, seeking to capitalize on Addis Ababa’s position as a major regional aviation hub and promote stopover tourism. The Minister also highlighted the rapid expansion of MICE tourism, covering Meetings, Incentives, Conferences and Exhibitions. Last year, Addis Ababa hosted more than 220 international events, significantly exceeding the initial target of 120 events. The government is also developing new tourist destinations, restoring historical and cultural landmarks, and upgrading tourism infrastructure, including specialized conference facilities, to sustain the sector’s growth. Domestic tourism has also been expanding, particularly during the peak September and October holiday season, as regional states improve local infrastructure and services to accommodate increased visitor flows. In addition, the Ministry has launched an international “Land of Origins” artistic competition to engage the public and promote Ethiopia’s rich cultural heritage. Concluding her remarks, Selamawit emphasized that tourism remains a key pillar of Ethiopia’s ongoing economic reforms, with the revised national tourism policy placing digital innovation and Artificial Intelligence at the center of the sector’s future development.  

Addis Ababa, September 23, 2026 (ENA) —The Ethiopian Chamber of Commerce and Sectoral Associations (ECCSA) has stated that, as one of the stakeholders, it is intensifying efforts to scale up national readiness for broader regional economic engagement under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). In an exclusive interview with ENA, ECCSA Secretary General Kenenisa Lemi highlighted that AfCFTA stands as one of the continent's most transformative economic integration initiatives, unlocking vital pathways for expanding intra-African trade. Ethiopia has been participating in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) market since last year; it has been trading with countries including South Africa, Kenya, and Somalia, and has intensified its efforts to expand trade with other countries across the continent, he noted. According to him, the Ethiopian Chamber of Commerce and Sectoral Associations (ECCSA) is partnering with government bodies, private organizations, and other stakeholders to provide specialized training aimed at enabling Ethiopian companies to compete effectively in the AfCFTA market in terms of quality, branding, and price. Therefore, he stressed the need to improve market understanding, boost competitiveness, and help businesses maximize the opportunities presented by AfCFTA. "Our use of technology, our utilization of human resources, and our innovation activities need to be strengthened," he said. "Our customer management practices also need to be improved, and our marketing and communication efforts need to be enhanced." Therefore, when discussing "readiness," it is important not only to focus on the products manufactured and the services provided but also to undertake the various supporting activities that are necessary. The Secretary General further stated that, to support these preparations, the Ethiopian Chamber of Commerce and Sectoral Associations is working with government and non-governmental organizations. Companies themselves also need to invest in strengthening their employees' capacities in marketing, communication, and digital literacy, as well as allocating sufficient budgets for research and innovation, he emphasized. Therefore, he said, a great deal of work needs to be done in a coordinated manner, from individual companies to the government, to prepare for the African Continental Free Trade Area. Noting the continent's massive economic potential, Kenenisa pointed out that Africa has a population of more than 1.4 billion and an economy valued at over 3.5 trillion USD. However, intra-African trade currently accounts for less than 18 percent of the continent's total trade volume, underscoring the vast potential for growth as nations increasingly shift toward intra-continental commerce. Kenenisa noted that the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) holds immense potential to strengthen intra-African economic ties by enabling nations to better leverage their own markets, resources, and production capacities. While efforts to establish the framework began in 2018, implementation gained significant momentum in 2021; Ethiopia has actively entered this emerging market, officially launching exports under the AfCFTA framework. "AfCFTA provides Ethiopia with a vital gateway to deepen its integration into the wider African and international trading systems," Kenenisa concluded. "It has challenged us to step up our preparations, ensuring our private sector is fully equipped to succeed."  

Addis Ababa, September 23, 2026 (ENA) — Ethiopia’s long-standing bid to join the World Trade Organization (WTO) is entering its final stretch, according to the Ministry of Trade and Regional Integration. After series of discussions for a long period, the ministry emphasized that successfully concluding the negotiation process and securing full WTO membership will bolster the nation's ongoing economic reforms and drive sustainable economic growth. The Ministry stated that the accession process remains a high national priority, built on two core pillars: multilateral negotiations and bilateral market access agreements. Under the multilateral framework, Ethiopia has navigated multiple rounds of reviews, addressing macroeconomic and trade-related inquiries from WTO member states. These efforts have successfully advanced the country to the final stage of drafting the Working Party Report. In parallel, Ethiopia has pursued bilateral market access negotiations with 17 countries. Formal agreements have been finalized with 11 of them, while discussions with the remaining six continue through diplomatic channels. According to the Ministry, WTO membership will provide Ethiopia with a modern, predictable trading system, enabling the nation to safeguard its interests and participate actively in the legal and legislative processes governing global trade. By making export procedures more predictable and non-discriminatory, the country will unlock greater opportunities to attract foreign direct investment. Furthermore, membership will expand market access, support the transition from raw material exports to deeper integration into global value chains, and strengthen institutional capacity by aligning domestic laws with international standards. To ensure the country reaps the full benefits of membership, the government has carried out extensive preparatory work. This includes boosting the international competitiveness of domestic manufacturing and agriculture, enacting vital legal reforms, and raising awareness among the local business community. Looking ahead, the Ministry outlined key priorities to finalize the accession process swiftly, including preparing for the eighth Working Party meeting, wrapping up bilateral talks with the remaining six nations, and resolving issues that require high-level government decisions. Sustained momentum across these areas will be critical to bringing Ethiopia's long-running WTO accession journey to a successful close.

By Staff Writer Sept. 23, 2026 (ENA) No matter a government change or leadership in Egypt, one thing remains constant in the official Egyptian discourse regarding the Nile River, which is dealing with the resources of the basin countries from a perspective of guardianship and considering development in the upstream countries an issue that requires Cairo’s approval. However, this pathetic hydro-imperialist mentality is no longer capable of explaining the reality of the Nile today. Africa has changed and the regional system of the Nile Basin has changed, while the Egyptian discourse continues to use language belonging to a historical era that the continent moved beyond decades ago. As aptly put by the Ethiopian Ministry of Water and Energy the recent statements by the Egyptian Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation reflect a “crude colonial mentality” that characterizes Egypt’s policy toward African countries. This characterization was not prompted solely by the latest statements, as the Ethiopian Ministry of Water and Energy had previously warned against the continuation of what it described as a mentality associated with the colonial era in dealing with the Nile issue, affirming that Ethiopia would not relinquish its right to use the river to meet the development needs of its people. The oft repeated official Egyptian discourse and the phrases used in reference to the Nile are “historical rights,” “all available measures,” and “water security”; as though repeating these terms could in itself grant a state additional rights in a transboundary river. But words, no matter how sharp and undiplomatic they may be, cannot change the fact that Ethiopia is a sovereign state and that its natural resources located within its territory are part of its right to development. Ethiopia's Water and Energy Minister Habtamu Itefa had previously stated that Ethiopia does not need permission from any country to develop its water resources, explaining that the country built the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam without obtaining permission from anyone and that it would continue developing other dams in its river basins when the needs arise. This is not mere political statement, but reflects a reality that has already been established on the ground. The dam has been completed and is producing energy; and Ethiopia has transformed from a country that faced major electricity-generation deficit into a country expanding energy exports to its neighbors, while moving toward exploiting its enormous hydropower potential to provide electricity access for its people, support industrialization and development. The unbridled double standard One of the clearest paradoxes in the Egyptian discourse is Cairo's insistence on the need for consultation and approval by it before upstream countries establish projects, while Egypt itself proceeded with the construction of the Aswan High Dam without the upstream countries having a comparable role in deciding the project. The Ethiopian Ministry of Water and Energy pointed to this double standard in its statement issued, stressing that Cairo treats its approval as a prerequisite for the Nile Basin countries to develop their water resources, despite the fact that Egypt built the Aswan High Dam without consulting the upstream countries. Here emerges the question that political discourse cannot evade: If Egypt has the right to develop its water resources within its territory without seeking permission from the upstream countries, why does not the same principle apply to Ethiopia and the other countries? Unbridled double standards do not create a fair system for managing transboundary rivers. Unjust legacy cannot govern the future A fundamental part of the Egyptian position has remained based on historical arrangements and agreements dating back to political circumstances entirely different from today’s African reality. Ethiopia was not a party to the 1959 Agreement, nor did the other upstream countries participate in shaping a system that sought to determine the future of Nile waters without their participation. Therefore, attempting to present those arrangements as a definitive basis for the rights of all basin countries ignores a fundamental fact: A state that was not a party to an agreement cannot, with the passage of time, become bound by it merely because another state insists on it. Africa has changed politically, demographically, and economically. The needs for electricity, food, and water have multiplied, new regional integration projects have emerged, and the upstream countries have become more capable of developing their natural resources. Therefore, reproducing past arrangements as the only solution for the future is not cooperation. It is an attempt to preserve an unjust legacy despite the changing circumstances that produced it. Ethiopia maintains that transboundary rivers should be bridges for cooperation, development, and integration, not tools for excluding upstream countries or imposing restrictions on their right to development. In January 2026, Water and Energy Minister Habtamu Itefa affirmed that Ethiopian transboundary rivers should be viewed as shared resources and opportunities for cooperation and green growth, stressing that the availability of water in Ethiopia could bring potential benefits to Sudan, South Sudan, Kenya, Somalia, and Egypt. This is the Ethiopian position: Water is not the exclusive property of Ethiopia, but neither is it the exclusive property of Egypt. Ethiopia is not demanding a monopoly over the Nile; rather, it rejects turning participation in the river into a pretext for depriving it of the use of its resources. The difference between the two positions is fundamental. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam: A counter-hegemonic project The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is no longer a project that can be influenced by political statements or Egypt’s media-worn diplomatic warnings. It has become a developmental and strategic reality. Water and Energy Minister Habtamu Itefa said that the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam contributed to doubling Ethiopia’s electricity-generation capacity to about 9.6 gigawatts, and has also become a catalyst for electricity interconnection and regional economic cooperation. He also explained that Ethiopia exports electricity to Djibouti, Sudan, and Kenya, and seeks to expand its electricity interconnection network with other countries. Thus, the project that Egyptian discourse attempted for years to portray as a source of threat has, in reality, become part of a broader transformation in Africa’s energy system. More importantly, Ethiopia does not view its water resources as a means of exercising influence over others, but as a foundation for overcoming energy poverty and achieving industrialization and economic growth. Egypt's problem is not however only about the GERD. For those who read between the lines, the underlying desire of the country has been repeatedly expressed by its official statements. Cairo is never prepared to accept Ethiopia as a strong developing country capable of investing in its natural resources without waiting for external approval. But Ethiopia has already demonstrated that it is capable and determined to develop its resources without any one's permission. Accepting this reality and mutually developing the region is the right answer. In August, the Ethiopian Water and Energy Minister affirmed that his country would continue developing its water resources and would build other dams when necessary. The minister also stressed that Ethiopia’s future is closely linked to the Abay River and the Red Sea, and that the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam represents a transformative project that has changed the country’s position in the fields of energy, development, and regional integration. Thus, betting that strong political statements can return Ethiopia to a stage of hesitation or waiting is a bet on a reality that no longer exists. Ethiopia has repeatedly declared that transboundary rivers should be drivers of cooperation and shared prosperity, while at the same time rejecting any concept of water hegemony that deprives upstream countries of their sovereign rights. This is the position reaffirmed by the Ministry of Water and Energy. Consistent with this principle, Ethiopia continues to build its capabilities, continues to generate electricity and export energy, and continues to invest in its water resources. It also continues to work on watershed rehabilitation, afforestation, environmental conservation, and strengthening the sustainability of the Abay Basin, a point highlighted by the Ministry of Water and Energy in its latest statement. Ethiopia is not going back Repeated Egyptian statements will not change this course, nor will sharp rhetoric grant Cairo authority that neither law nor reality has given it. Past agreements will not turn back the clock, and they will not make Ethiopia relinquish its right to use its natural resources. Rather, the continuation of this discourse may produce the opposite result: Exposing the depth of a mentality that still views Ethiopian development as a threat instead of seeing it as an opportunity for African cooperation. Hence, the time has come for Egypt to deal with the Nile as a shared African basin, not a sphere of unilateral influence. The time has also come to recognize that Ethiopia is not a country waiting for permission to decide its future. The Nile will not be a tool of domination and Ethiopian development will not stop because of political rhetoric, no matter how loudly it is expressed. The reality of the 21st century imposes a different rule. Mutual respect instead of guardianship, cooperation instead of hegemony, and shared development instead of exclusion. This is not merely an Ethiopian vision. It is the only path capable of moving the Nile Basin from a legacy of conflict into a space of African integration.

Why There Can Be No Lasting Red Sea Stability Without Ethiopia By Yordanos D.   Sept. 22, 2026 (ENA) The Red Sea is no longer merely a maritime corridor. It has become one of the world’s most exposed geopolitical fault lines—and the latest crisis around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait is making one reality increasingly difficult to ignore: the security of the Red Sea cannot be separated from the security of the Horn of Africa, and the security of the Horn cannot be meaningfully addressed while Ethiopia remains on the margins of maritime decision-making. On September 15, 2026, UN Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari told the Security Council that the situation around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait had become increasingly volatile as fighting intensified along Yemen’s western coast and Houthi forces advanced toward the strategic waterway. He called for restraint, dialogue and the restoration and respect of navigational rights and freedoms under international law. The warning was not about Yemen alone. The Bab el-Mandeb is the narrow maritime gateway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and the wider Indian Ocean. Any sustained disruption there can ripple through shipping, insurance, energy markets, food supplies and global supply chains. The consequences do not stop at the shores of Yemen or the countries bordering the Red Sea. They can reach factories in Asia, markets in Europe and consumers thousands of kilometres away. And sitting directly across the African side of this strategic equation is Ethiopia. For more than three decades, Ethiopia has been landlocked following Eritrea’s independence in 1993. Yet geography has never made Ethiopia separate from the Red Sea. Quite the opposite: Ethiopia’s history, economy, security and diplomacy have remained deeply intertwined with the maritime corridor. Today, the dependence is brutally practical. Ethiopia’s international trade relies heavily on the Djibouti corridor, meaning that instability affecting Red Sea shipping, ports, insurance or maritime routes can quickly become an economic concern inside Ethiopia. Ethiopia’s own Institute of Foreign Affairs has described this exposure as a strategic vulnerability arising from the country’s dependence on a maritime corridor whose security is largely shaped beyond its direct institutional control. That reality should change the way the world understands Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations. Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable access to the sea is too often reduced to a territorial or political dispute. That is an incomplete reading of the issue. At its core, Ethiopia is confronting a structural problem: a major African economy and one of the continent’s most populous states is deeply dependent on a maritime system in which it has limited direct access and limited influence over the security architecture. That is not simply an Ethiopian problem. It is a regional problem. It is also becoming a global problem. The Red Sea Cannot Be Secured From Offshore The latest crisis around Bab el-Mandeb exposes the weakness of treating Red Sea security as a matter primarily for naval powers operating from outside the region. Warships can protect vessels. Military deployments can deter attacks. International missions can escort commercial shipping. But no naval fleet, however powerful, can by itself resolve the political, economic and institutional vulnerabilities that make the Red Sea susceptible to recurring instability. The UN itself has emphasized that protecting freedom of navigation must go together with preventing further escalation in Yemen and pursuing a political solution. That means maritime security cannot be divorced from regional diplomacy. And regional diplomacy cannot be divorced from the countries whose economies and security are directly exposed to the Red Sea. Ethiopia is one of those countries. Indeed, the regional stakes are now being recognized institutionally. On September 15, the IGAD Council of Ministers identified the safety and freedom of navigation in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden as core regional peace, security and development priorities. It directed the IGAD Secretariat to strengthen regional maritime governance, cooperation and coordination in response to changing geopolitical and security dynamics. That decision carries an important message: Red Sea security is no longer a distant maritime issue. It is a Horn of Africa security issue. And if it is a Horn issue, Ethiopia cannot be treated as an afterthought. Ethiopia Is Not Asking to Be a Spectator Ethiopia’s argument for maritime access should therefore be understood against this wider strategic background. A country of Ethiopia’s economic and demographic weight cannot indefinitely remain almost entirely dependent on a single external maritime corridor while the security of that corridor is vulnerable to conflicts, geopolitical rivalries and disruptions beyond its control. That does not mean that Ethiopia is entitled to disregard the sovereignty of coastal states. Quite the contrary. The strongest case for Ethiopia’s maritime future is one based on negotiation, mutual benefit, international law and respect for the sovereignty of neighboring countries. Ethiopian has repeatedly framed maritime access in precisely these terms. Recent discussions have linked access to the sea with economic development, national security, regional integration and diplomatic cooperation, while emphasizing peaceful dialogue and mutually beneficial arrangements. This distinction matters. Ethiopia does not need confrontation to establish a maritime role. It needs a sustainable arrangement that aligns Ethiopian economic interests with the interests of coastal states. Such an arrangement could transform maritime access from a source of regional anxiety into an engine of regional interdependence. From Landlocked Vulnerability to Regional Stakeholder There is another dimension that deserves far greater international attention. If Ethiopia secures reliable sea access through a negotiated arrangement, it would not simply gain another route for imports and exports. It would acquire a stronger economic and institutional stake in the security of the maritime corridor itself. That could change the strategic equation. A country whose trade, infrastructure and economic future are directly connected to a maritime corridor has powerful reasons to protect that corridor. Ethiopia could contribute to maritime information-sharing, port security, search and rescue, emergency preparedness, anti-trafficking efforts, customs cooperation and the prevention of organized maritime crime. The foundations for such engagement are already emerging. In August 2026, the International Maritime Organization supported a workshop in Addis Ababa aimed at developing a roadmap for a National Maritime Information Sharing Centre, designed to strengthen coordination among Ethiopia’s maritime institutions and contribute to regional maritime security under the Djibouti Code of Conduct/Jeddah Amendment. This is important because maritime security is not synonymous with military power. It is also about information. It is about institutions. It is about ports, customs, coast guards, shipping authorities, intelligence services, emergency response and civilian maritime governance. In other words, Ethiopia can become part of the solution without turning the Red Sea into another theatre of military competition. Addis Ababa Has Something Others Cannot Easily Replicate Ethiopia also possesses a diplomatic asset that should not be underestimated: Addis Ababa. The Ethiopian capital hosts the African Union and remains one of the continent’s principal diplomatic centers. Ethiopia is a member of IGAD and has decades of experience in African peace and security initiatives. This gives Ethiopia potential diplomatic channels extending beyond the immediate Red Sea littoral. The country maintains relationships across Africa, the Gulf and the broader Middle East. Its diplomatic position can therefore provide opportunities for dialogue among actors whose interests frequently collide. This does not mean Ethiopia should become a party to every conflict surrounding the Red Sea. It means Ethiopia has an interest—and potentially a role—in defending principles that should concern every maritime state: freedom of navigation, protection of civilian shipping, respect for sovereignty, adherence to international law and peaceful settlement of disputes. The Dangerous Illusion of a Red Sea Without Ethiopia There is a persistent strategic contradiction in the way the region is sometimes approached. External powers recognize the enormous importance of the Red Sea. Naval forces are deployed. Military bases expand. International missions patrol the waters. Governments warn about threats to shipping. Yet the countries whose economies and security are most directly tied to the Horn of Africa are not always placed at the center of the security conversation. That approach is unsustainable. The Red Sea cannot be permanently stabilized by looking only northward toward the Middle East or outward toward global powers. Its African dimension is equally fundamental. The security problems on one side of Bab el-Mandeb inevitably interact with those on the other. Conflict in Yemen, instability in Sudan, terrorism, trafficking, piracy, arms smuggling and organized crime can reinforce one another across maritime and land borders. Recent UN discussions have explicitly linked the instability around Bab el-Mandeb to wider threats affecting international shipping and the Horn of Africa. The lesson is straightforward: the Red Sea is one security space, even when political borders divide it. Connectivity Can Become a Peace Strategy Ethiopia’s maritime ambitions should therefore be connected to a broader regional economic vision. Ports should not merely be places where ships load and unload. They can become gateways connecting inland economies with coastal markets. Roads, railways, logistics centers, digital customs systems and trade corridors can turn maritime access into regional economic integration. For Ethiopia, diversification of maritime routes would not necessarily mean abandoning its existing economic relationship with Djibouti. It could complement it. More routes can mean greater resilience. More partnerships can mean greater economic interdependence. And greater interdependence can create additional incentives for governments to protect infrastructure, trade corridors and regional stability. Connectivity cannot guarantee peace. But economic isolation rarely creates durable regional interdependence. A more interconnected Horn of Africa would give countries more to lose from conflict—and more to gain from cooperation. The Red Sea Needs African Ownership The deeper question, therefore, is not whether Ethiopia should be allowed to have a role in the Red Sea. The more consequential question is whether the region can realistically build lasting maritime stability while excluding one of Africa’s largest economies and most influential diplomatic centers from the strategic architecture surrounding that sea. The answer is increasingly difficult to justify. Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations should not be framed as a demand for confrontation with coastal states. They should be framed as part of a broader African agenda for connectivity, economic resilience and collective security. That requires diplomacy, not brinkmanship what Ethiopia is practically pursuing. It requires negotiated arrangements, not unilateral action. It requires regional institutions, not another contest among external powers. And above all, it requires recognition that the security of the Red Sea is a shared responsibility. A Strategic Opportunity Hidden Inside a Crisis The present crisis around Bab el-Mandeb is a warning—but it is also an opportunity. It demonstrates how quickly instability in a narrow waterway can become a global economic problem. It also demonstrates the limits of security arrangements that rely too heavily on military responses while neglecting regional institutions and political solutions. For Ethiopia, the crisis underscores the cost of remaining economically exposed to a maritime system over which it has limited direct influence. But it also creates an opportunity to articulate a more ambitious vision. Ethiopia can pursue maritime access while simultaneously strengthening regional maritime governance. It can deepen cooperation with coastal states while maintaining respect for their sovereignty. It can work through IGAD, the African Union and the United Nations. It can invest in maritime information systems, logistics, emergency response and security institutions. And it can use its diplomatic position in Addis Ababa to promote dialogue rather than deepen confrontation. The objective should be to institutionalize Ethiopia’s legitimate economic and security stake in the Red Sea through peaceful, lawful and mutually beneficial arrangements. No Durable Red Sea Security Without Ethiopia The future of the Red Sea will ultimately be decided not by geography alone, but by whether the states surrounding and depending on it can build a system capable of managing their shared vulnerabilities. Ethiopia is too large to be economically detached from that system. Too geographically connected to be strategically ignored. Too diplomatically significant to be treated merely as an inland observer. And too deeply exposed to Red Sea disruptions to remain permanently outside meaningful maritime security arrangements. The current crisis has made one fact unmistakable: what happens around Bab el-Mandeb does not remain around Bab el-Mandeb. It reaches the Horn of Africa. It reaches Ethiopia and global trade. And if the region genuinely wants a durable Red Sea security architecture, Ethiopia cannot simply be a country affected by decisions made about the sea. It must have a seat at the table where those decisions are shaped. Because lasting stability will not come from securing the water while ignoring the land, nor from protecting shipping while overlooking the economies and societies that depend on it. Thus, the Red Sea’s future is inseparable from the Horn of Africa’s future—and the Horn’s future cannot be designed without Ethiopia.

Addis Ababa, September 21, 2026 (ENA) — The Ethiopian Chamber of Commerce and Sectoral Associations (ECCSA) has called for a concerted effort by regional authorities and the federal government in combating illicit trade across the country. Opening the Eastern Corridor Stakeholder Workshop on Combating Illicit Trade in Ethiopia today, ECCSA Secretary General Kenenisa Lemi stressed the need for a concerted effort by all stakeholders to combat illicit trade across the country. The Secretary General added that the meeting will play a significant role in raising awareness regarding the impact of illegal trade on business and investment as well as related economic, social, and security threats. Beyond weakening legitimate business enterprises, Kenenisa noted that illicit trade deprives the government collectible revenue, undermines domestic and foreign investment, distorts market competition, fuels corruption, and erodes public trust in institutions. "We (therfore) need a strengthened system of collaboration among relevant federal bodies, regional trade bureaus, customs, law enforcement institutions, and the private sector," he said. According to him, such collaboration does not necessarily require creating a new institution. Using existing structures more effectively, establishing clear communication channels, conducting regular information exchanges, and solving problems jointly can yield significant results. Furthermore, the Secretary General stated that illicit trade affects not only legal business entities, but also consumers, the government, workers, producers, and the economy as a whole. "Contraband severely harms the revenue that should be collected by the government, thereby squandering public and government resources that could otherwise be used for development, education, health care, and job creation," he noted. At this crucial moment when Ethiopia is diligently working to implement comprehensive macroeconomic reforms to boost productivity, enhance export competitiveness, and drive industrial transformation, Kenenisa pointed out that illegal trade persists as a severe challenge to national development. The half-day workshop drew participants from Oromia, Somali, and Harari regions as well as Dire Dawa City Administration, which are all part of the Eastern Trade Corridor, along with representatives from federal institutions, law enforcement bodies, and the private sector.

By staff writer Sept. 22, 2026 (ENA) As the world grapples with the challenges of water scarcity and sustainable development, Egypt's stance on these issues has raised eyebrows. Despite having vast underground water reserves that could last for centuries, even if rainfall in Ethiopia were to cease, Egypt continues to cry foul over the use of the Abay (Nile) River's waters. But is this concern genuinely about water scarcity, or is it a thinly veiled attempt to stifle the development of its neighboring countries? A History of Water Mismanagement Egypt's water management practices are, in fact, among the worst in the world. The country's agricultural sector, which consumes the lion's share of its water resources, is dominated by water-intensive crops like sugarcane and rice. These crops are not only unsustainable but also contribute to the country's water woes. It is ironic that while Egypt is willing to squander its water resources on these crops, it expects other countries, like Ethiopia, to forgo their own development and limit their water usage to a mere trickle.   A Double Standard Egypt's approach to water management is a classic case of "do as I say, not as I do." On one hand, the country is willing to waste its water resources on lavish projects, such as sprawling cities in the desert, while on the other hand, it expects Ethiopians to live in darkness, without even the basic amenities of electricity and clean water. This double standard is not only hypocritical but also a stark reminder of Egypt's proclivity for splashing water into the desert, while denying its neighbors the right to develop their own water resources. A Lack of Gratitude Despite Ethiopia's efforts to plant over 56 billion seedlings, a move that will not only help to reduce water evaporation from the Nile River but also contribute to the global fight against climate change, Egypt has chosen to respond with ingratitude. Instead of thanking Ethiopia for its environmental stewardship, Egypt has opted to destabilize the country, using every trick in the book to undermine its development. This twisted logic is a testament to Egypt's shortsightedness and its inability to see the bigger picture. A Neocolonial Mindset Egypt's behavior towards its neighbors, particularly Sudan, is a stark reminder of its neocolonial mindset. By treating Sudan as an appendage, Egypt is attempting to dismantle the country's sovereignty and reduce it to a mere vassal state. This approach is not only counterproductive but also a threat to regional stability and security. A Brinksmanship Strategy Egypt's ultimate goal is to ensure that no country on either side of the Red Sea thrives. This brinksmanship strategy is a recipe for disaster, as it will only serve to exacerbate tensions and create an environment of mistrust and hostility. By adopting this approach, Egypt is not only harming its neighbors but also undermining its own long-term interests.   In conclusion, Egypt's water woes are a self-inflicted wound, caused by its own mismanagement and hypocrisy. Instead of blaming its neighbors for its water scarcity, Egypt should take a long, hard look at its own practices and policies. By adopting a more sustainable and equitable approach to water management, Egypt can not only ensure its own water security but also contribute to the development and prosperity of its neighboring countries. Until then, Egypt's cries of water scarcity will remain nothing more than a thinly veiled attempt to stifle the development of others, while it continues to waste its own water resources with impunity.

Addis Ababa, September 22, 2026 (ENA) —Egyptian Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation recent statement suggesting that Ethiopians lack education is a manifestation of a crude colonial mentality that defines Cairo’s policy in its relations with African states, Ethiopian Ministry of Water and Energy underscored. Egyptian Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation, Hani Sewilam, recent remarks are deeply regrettable, the ministry said today in a statement issued in response to Sewilam’s remarks. “The statement is a manifestation of a crude colonial mentality that defines Cairo’s policy in its relations with African states,” the said in its statement. For Cairo, its approval is a prerequisite for riparian countries of the Abay/Nile to develop their water resources. This is despite the fact that Egypt proceeded with the construction of the Aswan High Dam with no consultation with any upstream riparian state. The statement issued by Ethiopian Ministry of Water and Energy noted that inflammatory remarks by Egyptian officials and the double standards they espouse have no place in the context of basin wide cooperation. Ethiopia reaffirms its sovereign right to utilize its natural resources including Abbay River to meet the needs of its present and future generations, it added. It pointed out that Ethiopia has consistently maintained that transboundary rivers should drive cooperation, shared prosperity, and regional integration rather than monopolistic contention, and exclusion, rejecting any notion of hydro-imperialism that seeks to deny source countries their inherent rights as sovereign nations. While some continue to frame the Abay River primarily through the lens of security and zero-sum competition, Ethiopia has invested heavily in watershed rehabilitation, afforestation, and environmental conservation to strengthen the long-term sustainability of the basin. Ethiopia's approach stands in sharp contrast to the hostile narrative that has too often dominated official discourse in Cairo. It is time for Cairo to move from its obsolete policy and approach the matter with a 21st century outlook grounded in mutual respect and the enlightened long-term interests of all, the Ministry underscored, stressing to retire outdated hegemonic dreams and embrace the dawn of a new reality.

September 22, 2026 (ENA) Egypt stands out for its chronic mismanagement of water resources, despite contributing virtually nothing to the flow of the Abay (Nile)—a striking paradox at the heart of the Nile debate. For many hydropower analysts and transboundary water experts, water stored in Egypt’s downstream reservoirs suffers from high rates of evaporation due to the country’s hot desert climate. For Fekahmed Negash, Chairperson of the Advisory Team on Transboundary Water and GERD at Ethiopia’s Ministry of Water and Energy, this downstream nation’s vast reservoir lies in Egypt’s hot desert environment and is exposed to substantial evaporation losses. He estimated that the Aswan High Dam loses about 15 to 16 billion cubic meters of water annually through evaporation. Contrary to popular belief, this hard fact and the UN’s designation of Egypt as a water-scarce country, the nation possesses immense water potential that remains hugely misunderstood. Egypt has underground water enough for hundreds of years even if rain stops in Ethiopia for years. Egypt wastes water and has some of the worst practices in doing so. Egypt acts as if it has a swath of marshland and produces sugarcane and rice. What is appealing is that it wishes others not even to drink fresh water and produce cabbages for it to continue wasting water. Egypt wants Ethiopia to forgo its development and wallow in poverty for Egyptians to enjoy affluence. Egypt has proclivities of splashing water into a desert and creating sprawled cities, while it does not wish Ethiopians to have even light and stoves in their houses. Egypt doesn’t know how to be grateful. They pretend they are scared of water scarcity, but they don’t wish to thank Ethiopia for planning more than 50 billion seedlings. Rather, it leaves no stone unturned to destabilize Ethiopia—what a twist. Egypt believes it is a neighbor to Ethiopia because it considers Sudan just as an appendage. That’s why it is bent on dismantling Sudan using sellouts. Egypt doesn’t wish any country on both sides of the Red Sea to thrive—what a brinkmanship!

Addis Ababa, September 21, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s President Taye Atske Selassie called for a fundamental shift in the global renewable-energy agenda—from simply expanding power generation to building the grids, storage, financing and productive systems needed to turn clean electricity into economic transformation. Addressing the “Delivering Electrify Now” High-Level Leaders Dialogue of the Global Renewables Summit in New York, President Taye said countries endowed with abundant renewable resources need stronger international support to convert their energy potential into reliable electricity access, industrial growth and inclusive prosperity. “Generation without grids, storage and robust utility capacity cannot drive economic transformation,” the President said, stressing that international financing must support the entire electricity value chain—from generation and transmission to distribution, storage and last-mile connections. The Global Renewables Summit, held during Climate Week NYC alongside the UN General Assembly, is bringing together political leaders, businesses, investors and international institutions to accelerate renewable-powered electrification and address the infrastructure and investment barriers slowing the energy transition.   President Taye said Ethiopia brings substantial renewable-energy potential to the global discussion, with more than 95 percent of its installed generation capacity coming from renewable sources. He highlighted the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and other renewable-energy investments as key foundations for expanding electricity access and powering the country’s industrialization. He outlined three interconnected priorities for Ethiopia: expanding and diversifying renewable generation, with installed capacity targeted to reach up to 14,000 MW by 2030 and non-hydro renewables accounting for at least 15 percent; using clean and affordable electricity to strengthen industrial competitiveness, including through industrial parks; and pursuing macroeconomic and energy-sector reforms to attract greater private investment, including increased private-sector participation in transmission and distribution. But the President emphasized that finance remains the critical link between renewable-energy potential and actual development. He called for more bankable projects supported by public resources and international partners, including the World Bank, African Development Bank and the European Union through Global Gateway. Particular attention, he said, should go to transmission infrastructure, substations, grid reinforcement, reconductoring and last-mile connections.   President Taye cited Ethiopia’s experience financing the GERD through domestic resources and broad public mobilization as an example of the importance of national ownership and commitment. At the same time, he stressed that international financial cooperation remains essential for developing countries seeking to build modern, reliable and interconnected electricity systems. He expressed appreciation for international support to Ethiopia’s power sector, including the European Union’s RISED programme, as well as assistance from the World Bank and African Development Bank in modernizing, rehabilitating and digitalizing electricity infrastructure. The President also warned that the global energy transition cannot deliver its full promise if renewable investment remains concentrated in a limited number of wealthy regions. For developing countries, he said, the ambition must go beyond generating renewable power: from energy potential to electricity access, from access to productive use, and from productive use to industrialization and job creation.   As Ethiopia prepares to host COP32 in Addis Ababa in 2027, President Taye said the country will work to help ensure that global climate and renewable-energy commitments translate into concrete implementation across Africa. His message comes as the international renewable-energy agenda increasingly focuses not only on expanding generation but also on scaling grids, storage and electrification to make clean power usable across economies.

By Staff Writer   Sept. 20, 2026 The second week of September 2026 placed Ethiopia’s strategic interests in water, maritime access, diplomacy and economic transformation firmly at the center of national and international attention. Across Ethiopian media, the Abay/Nile and Red Sea emerged as two defining themes. Discussions on the Nile focused on equitable and sustainable utilization of shared water resources and Ethiopia’s role as the source of the Abay, while the country’s long-standing quest for reliable access to the Red Sea gained fresh momentum from government officials, researchers and geopolitical commentators. At the same time, Ethiopia’s diplomatic engagement remained active, with ambassadors and senior representatives from several countries reaffirming their interest in deepening bilateral partnerships in areas ranging from agriculture and technology to green development and people-to-people relations. The week also highlighted Ethiopia’s growing engagement on global and regional platforms, from the International Atomic Energy Agency’s General Conference in Vienna to the IGAD forum on El Niño preparedness in the Horn of Africa. Together, these developments point to a broader strategic narrative: Ethiopia is increasingly linking water resources, maritime access, regional security, diplomatic partnerships and economic transformation as interconnected elements of its long-term national interests. Abay/Nile: A Debate Over Rights, Development and a Changing Basin   The Nile once again occupied a prominent place in Ethiopia’s public discourse. Getachew Reda, Minister and Advisor to the Ethiopian Prime Minister on East African Affairs, sharply criticized what he described as Egypt’s continued attempt to assert exclusive control over the Nile, arguing that such an approach is increasingly disconnected from the realities of the region. In an exclusive interview with The Pulse of Africa, Getachew said Egypt had developed what he characterized as an “artificial reality” around the Nile and argued that the river should be viewed through the realities of geography, science and the development needs of all riparian states.   Former Ethiopian House of People’s Representatives Speaker Teshome Toga similarly argued that Egypt needs to adjust its Nile strategy to the realities of the 21st century. In his an analytical article published on, Teshome pointed to population growth, climate change, rising energy demand, food insecurity and economic development as factors that have fundamentally changed the Nile Basin. He called for a framework based on cooperation, equity and mutual respect rather than what he described as outdated colonial-era assumptions. The Abay’s contribution to the Nile was also central to the discussion. According to Teshome, the Blue Nile, which originates in the Ethiopian highlands, contributes about 86 percent of the Nile’s annual flow, underscoring Ethiopia’s central geographical position in the basin.   Senior researcher Abdushakur Abdussamad, meanwhile, told ENA that what he described as the political instrumentalization of the Nile and the stereotyping of upstream countries have shaped negative perceptions in Egypt toward Nile Basin countries, particularly Ethiopia. He argued that repeated media narratives portraying the Nile as exclusively belonging to Egypt have contributed to the perception that development projects in other basin countries necessarily threaten Egypt’s water interests. The competing narratives underscore a broader challenge for the Nile Basin: how to reconcile downstream water dependence with the development aspirations and utilization rights of upstream countries through a cooperative and sustainable framework. Red Sea Access Moves to the Center of Ethiopia’s Strategic Affairs If the Nile dominated the water debate, the Red Sea increasingly dominated the maritime one. Senior Ethiopian officials, researchers and academics this week linked access to the sea with economic development, national security, regional integration and Ethiopia’s wider diplomatic role. At a panel discussion organized by the Addis Ababa Leadership Academy, participants stressed that Ethiopia’s maritime interests should be pursued through peaceful dialogue, diplomatic engagement, cooperation and mutually beneficial arrangements.   Gizachew Asrat, Chief of Staff and Senior Researcher for the Horn of Africa at IFA, said consensus around Ethiopia’s role and presence in the Red Sea is growing. He argued that Ethiopia’s expanding population, economy and trade, together with regional security considerations, make maritime access an increasingly important strategic issue. For Addis Ababa University researcher Tesfaye Jima, the issue goes beyond commercial considerations. “The Red Sea is an existential issue for Ethiopia,” he said, linking maritime access to the country’s security, sovereignty, economy and diplomatic influence. He also pointed to Ethiopia’s future import and export requirements, agricultural and fishing interests, and its broader regional engagement. The debate also received international diplomatic resonance during the week. Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise reaffirmed Israel’s support for Ethiopia’s quest for sea access, describing stability in the Red Sea and a stronger Ethiopia as matters of broader international interest. The growing discussion therefore increasingly connects the Abay/Nile and Red Sea as two strategic questions with implications extending well beyond Ethiopia’s borders. Ethiopia on Global Platforms and Regional Preparedness Ethiopia’s international engagement was not limited to the Nile and Red Sea. In Vienna, the country participated in the 70th General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency, where member states are discussing nuclear safety and security, nuclear technology applications and the peaceful uses of nuclear science.   Ethiopia’s participation reflects the country’s continued engagement with global institutions on issues ranging from energy and technology to food security, environmental management and sustainable development. Closer to home, Addis Ababa hosted the IGAD Regional High-Level Forum on El Niño Preparedness for the Horn of Africa. Ethiopian Disaster Risk Management Deputy Commissioner Aydrus Hassan stressed that the potential effects of El Niño require political leadership, national ownership, regional solidarity, timely financing and early action—not simply technical preparedness.   He said Ethiopia is strengthening its disaster-risk management system around monitoring, forecasting, impact assessment, early warning, preparedness, anticipatory action and response. The country is also seeking greater national self-reliance through its Disaster Risk Response Fund. The IGAD forum similarly called for stronger contingency planning, pre-positioning of essential supplies, health surveillance, protection of food systems and expanded anticipatory action across the region. Diplomacy: Partnerships Broadening Beyond Traditional Politics Ethiopia’s diplomatic landscape also remained active, with a series of interviews with foreign diplomats highlighting the breadth of the country’s international partnerships. Ethiopia-Israel relations, according to Ambassador Avraham Neguise, extend across agriculture, health, technology, water, energy, investment and capacity building. He described the relationship as one that has evolved from deep historical ties into a broad modern partnership.   Germany and Denmark, meanwhile, highlighted cultural diplomacy, people-to-people relations, academic cooperation and green transformation as important components of their longstanding partnerships with Ethiopia. Germany’s Deputy Head of Mission Ferdinand von Weyhe emphasized that high-level political engagement needs to be complemented by direct connections between the peoples of the two countries. Denmark’s Deputy Head of Mission Mirja Crone pointed to cooperation on green transformation, bringing Danish expertise together with Ethiopian companies and professionals to promote more sustainable economic growth. The diplomatic messages came alongside New Year greetings from German, Finnish and Danish diplomatic missions, which expressed hopes for peace, prosperity and stronger relations with Ethiopia. Taken together, the engagements show diplomacy extending beyond traditional political relations into technology, agriculture, climate action, culture, education, investment and sustainable development. Economic Front: Confidence, Capacity and Reform Economic transformation formed another important layer of the week’s narrative. Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Tibor Nagy praised Ethiopian Airlines for what he described as its strategic discipline, technical capability and operational professionalism, highlighting the carrier’s investment in training and technical capacity as key elements of its international reputation.   Ethiopian-American businessman Zemedeneh Negatu, CEO of CBE Capital Investment Bank, meanwhile argued that Ethiopia has the potential to sustain annual economic growth of between 9 and 11 percent over the coming decades, citing agriculture, manufacturing, natural resources, tourism and the country’s large young population as potential engines of growth. He particularly highlighted the transition from subsistence agriculture to mechanized and commercial production, the expansion of manufacturing and the potential for a more technology-driven economy. The economic conversation also increasingly centered on reform and investment.   International Finance Corporation Managing Director Makhtar Diop said Ethiopia had made progress in addressing constraints that previously affected private-sector investment, particularly foreign-exchange pressures, inflation and reserve levels. He also identified opportunities in digital technology, tourism, aviation, infrastructure and renewable energy. Meanwhile, Ethiopia’s focus on technology and artificial intelligence emerged as another component of its economic transformation, with Zemedeneh emphasizing digital skills, automation and the country’s young population as potential drivers of future competitiveness. A Week Defined by Strategic Convergence The week’s developments reveal a striking convergence of issues that are often discussed separately. The Abay/Nile issue is increasingly framed around development, equitable utilization and regional cooperation. The Red Sea debate connects maritime access with trade, security, sovereignty and regional integration. Diplomacy is expanding into technology, agriculture, climate action, culture and investment, while economic reform is being linked to Ethiopia’s ambition to strengthen its position in regional and global affairs. From the Nile Basin to the Red Sea, from Vienna to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s strategic conversation is therefore extending beyond individual disputes or diplomatic engagements toward a broader question: how can the country translate its geographic position, natural resources, economic potential and international partnerships into long-term national and regional development? That question and the competing interests surrounding it—is likely to remain central to Ethiopia’s domestic and international agenda in the weeks ahead.

Addis Ababa, September 20, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s expanding renewable energy capacity and growing cross-border grid interconnections are proving to be a key catalyst for regional economic integration, according to a European Union (EU) official. Generating over 95 percent of its electricity from renewable sources, Ethiopia has established itself as a leading regional clean energy hub. Speaking to ENA, Adrián Cano Guerrero, Program Officer for Trade, Economic and Private Sector Development at the EU Delegation to Ethiopia, affirmed that the EU continues to partner with Ethiopia and regional bodies to foster integration by enhancing infrastructure, transport, logistics, trade facilitation, and connectivity. He further elaborated on the vital role of institutions like the African Union (AU), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and the Horn of Africa Initiative play in driving economic transformation and fostering stronger regional cooperation. “The work that we are doing through several of institutions, IGAD, the African Union, the Horn of Africa Initiative is in the end, the way that we seek regional integration” he stressed. Guerrero reiterated the EU's commitment to supporting regional connectivity and integration initiatives in close partnership with multilateral institutions. He highlighted that special emphasis is being placed on the energy sector, with EU support covering electricity transmission and distribution both within Ethiopia and across neighboring borders.   Collaboration with the Eastern Africa Power Pool, along with ongoing efforts to expand renewable generation and cross-border grid connections, aims to solidify regional energy integration, he added. The EU has also supported investments aimed at expanding electricity access across Ethiopia while promoting clean energy development and regional integration, the official noted. Ethiopia’s engagement with neighboring countries through energy connectivity provides key opportunities to boost trade integration and connectivity across the region. “What we are aiming for is for energy generation to be a driving force of Ethiopia’s growth and empowerment,” Guerrero said, emphasizing that expanding renewable energy generation and transmission holds significance far beyond Ethiopia’s domestic energy needs. Pointing to Ethiopia’s electricity exports to neighboring countries, including Kenya and Sudan, he noted that cross-border energy trade generates vital revenue for Ethiopia while fostering deeper regional economic cooperation. The expansion of electricity transmission infrastructure and renewable power generation creates enduring opportunities for stronger economic ties among neighboring nations, he explained. Reaffirming the EU's commitment, the official stated that the EU will continue partnering with Ethiopia and regional institutions to advance connectivity initiatives that drive sustainable economic growth and integration across the region.

Addis Ababa, September 20, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s quest for reliable access to the Red Sea is an unavoidable national imperative,a co-founder and former Deputy Director of the East African Policy Research Institute (EAPRI), Birhanu Lenjiso said. Birhanu, author of Water: ‘Ethiopia’s Gateway to Prosperity,’ told ENA that Ethiopia’s growing population, expanding economy, and strategic position in the Horn of Africa make securing sea access an inevitable national objective. Ethiopia’s pursuit of sea access should also be viewed in the broader context of Abay/Nile, he argued that the political and strategic dynamics surrounding the two issues are closely interconnected. Speaking about Ethiopia’s historical relationship with the sea, he pointed to the Aksumite civilization, which was closely associated with maritime trade and commercial links across the Red Sea.   For Birhanu, Ethiopia’s interest in maritime access therefore extends beyond its immediate economic and logistical needs. “We are not really asking for maritime access because we need a port, or because we have a large population, or because our economy is growing,” he said. He argued that Ethiopia’s historical experience and longstanding links with maritime commerce should form part of the country’s case when engaging with the international community on access to the sea. Birhanu, who is also a former State Minister for Irrigation Development, said Ethiopia should strengthen this narrative by bringing together historical evidence with contemporary economic and strategic considerations. He described maritime access as “part and parcel of Ethiopian identity,” saying the historical dimension should not be overlooked in discussions about Ethiopia’s relationship with the Red Sea and the wider maritime environment. Against this background, Birhanu said Ethiopia’s objective is to diversify its maritime access and establish arrangements that can provide greater reliability. “All Ethiopia is asking is to have diversified access to the sea,” he said. He said Ethiopia’s large and growing market gives maritime access a broader economic dimension, while developments in the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa have made the issue increasingly significant from a regional perspective. According to Birhanu, Ethiopia’s access to the sea could generate benefits beyond the country by connecting its large economy more directly with regional maritime trade and stimulating economic activity across the Horn of Africa.   He said Ethiopia does not necessarily need to pursue a single model for maritime access, pointing instead to a range of possible arrangements with coastal states. These could include long-term lease agreements, infrastructure corridors, and jointly developed transport and logistics projects, he said. He cited Ethiopia’s longstanding use of the Djibouti corridor as an example of how cross-border infrastructure and economic interests can create mutually beneficial arrangements. At the same time, Birhanu said dependence on a single major maritime route creates vulnerabilities, making diversification important for Ethiopia’s long-term economic interests. Asked whether Ethiopia’s pursuit of maritime access is inevitable, Birhanu said the country’s demographic and economic trajectory would continue to increase the importance of securing dependable access to international maritime routes. He also linked Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations to the broader security and economic dynamics of the Horn of Africa.   The region has extensive coastlines and occupies a strategically important position along major international maritime routes, while also facing persistent security challenges, he noted. In his view, greater economic integration between Ethiopia and coastal states could contribute to trade, infrastructure development, and regional stability. He argued that Ethiopia’s large consumer market and economic potential could become an asset for coastal countries if appropriate access and infrastructure arrangements are developed. Birhanu said Ethiopia’s maritime access and its position on the Nile share what he described as a common underlying principle: equitable use of regional resources. He argued that Ethiopia’s discussions over Abay/Nile and its pursuit of access to the Red Sea should therefore not be treated as entirely separate strategic questions. “I don't really see maritime access or maritime access challenge as a separate topic. I believe it is very much connected to the Nile issue. The two waters are separate, but their politics is very much interconnected,” he said. He said Ethiopia’s approach is centered on development and equitable access rather than control over the resources of other countries.   “We are asking for equity everywhere. We are asking for development. We are not asking for domination,” Birhanu said. He maintained that Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations should ultimately be viewed within the broader objective of strengthening regional economic integration and enabling the country to participate more directly in maritime trade. “We are not looking for confrontation on Nile. We are not looking for confrontation on the Red Sea. We are looking for cooperation,” he said. Birhanu said such an approach could allow Ethiopia to advance its economic interests while creating opportunities for coastal countries and contributing to the development and security of the wider Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region.

By Gezmu Edicha Sept. 20, 2026 Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s participation in the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi was more than a routine diplomatic engagement. It was a clear moment of strategic significance for Ethiopia. In a world where influence is increasingly shaped by alliances, trade access, financial cooperation, and political positioning, Ethiopia played an active role with vision, ambition, and growing global relevance. For Ethiopia, the summit carried both symbolic and practical value. Symbolically, it reinforced the country’s place among emerging powers and reform-minded states seeking a fairer international order. Practically, it opened doors to concrete gains in trade, investment, aviation, climate diplomacy, technology transfer, and financial cooperation. These outcomes align closely with Ethiopia’s Home-Grown Economic Reform and its long-term development priorities. What made this summit important for Ethiopia was the way Prime Minister Abiy translated high-level diplomacy into tangible national benefit. Rather than treating the BRICS platform as a photo opportunity, he used it to advance specific national interests with precision and persistence. Diplomatic win on the global trade front One of the most important outcomes of the summit was the strong support Ethiopia received for its World Trade Organization accession process. According to the BRICS New Delhi Declaration, all member states expressed backing for Ethiopia’s entry into the WTO. This matters because WTO membership is a gateway to greater market access, stronger investor confidence, and deeper integration into the global economy. For Ethiopia, this endorsement carries real weight. It strengthens the country’s hand in ongoing negotiations and sends a message to the international community that Ethiopia’s reform is being recognized by influential global actors. In practical terms, this kind of support can help accelerate Ethiopia’s integration into global supply chains and improve its ability to compete under fair, rules-based trade arrangements. Just as important was the recognition of Ethiopia’s candidacy for an expanded seat on the International Civil Aviation Organization Council, which is backed by the African Union, and formally supported in the New Delhi Declaration. Ethiopia is home to Ethiopian Airlines, one of Africa’s most successful and globally respected carriers. Backing Ethiopia for this role reflects not only the country’s aviation expertise, but also its broader contribution to Africa’s air connectivity and transport leadership. Climate leadership and the road to COP32 The other major achievement is the endorsement of Ethiopia to host the 32nd United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP32) in 2027. This is a big diplomatic and reputational win. Hosting such a major global summit places Ethiopia at the center of international climate discussions and gives the country an opportunity to shape the agenda around issues that matter deeply to Africa and the developing world. Prime Minister Abiy’s vision for COP32 is rooted in practical climate action, equitable climate finance, and green development. This message therefore fits well with Ethiopia’s broader environmental agenda, especially the Green Legacy Initiative, which has become one of the country’s most visible national programs. It also builds on Ethiopia’s growing investment in renewable energy and sustainable development. If successfully delivered, COP32 in Addis Ababa could do more than showcase Ethiopia to the world. It could strengthen the country’s leadership in climate diplomacy, attract international partnerships, and highlight Ethiopia as a nation capable of hosting and shaping major global events. Financial cooperation for more resilient economic future In the financial sphere, the summit offered Ethiopia important long-term opportunities. A key focus of the BRICS financial architecture was the promotion of local-currency settlement systems and cross-border payment platforms. For Ethiopia, this is especially relevant. Like many developing economies, Ethiopia continues to face pressure from foreign exchange shortages and external currency shocks. A system that allows trade settlement in local currencies could reduce dependence on hard currency, lower transaction costs, and create more stability for importers and exporters. Trade with countries such as China, India, and Russia could become smoother and less expensive when these systems are effectively implemented. Ethiopia also advocated for faster and more predictable debt resolution mechanisms, as well as stronger liquidity support through the expansion of the Contingent Reserve Arrangement. These are not abstract financial ideas. They are practical tools that can help protect developing countries from sudden shocks and provide breathing room during periods of fiscal stress. In simple terms, Ethiopia used the summit to push for a more balanced global financial system—one that does not leave developing nations vulnerable to the decisions and pressures of richer economies. Bilateral diplomacy that opened new doors Beyond the formal plenary sessions, the summit’s sidelines proved equally valuable. Intensive bilateral meetings produced promising openings in several strategic sectors. Talks between Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi reportedly focused on critical minerals, renewable energy, and pharmaceutical manufacturing. These are all high-value sectors with the potential to support Ethiopia’s industrialization and improve national resilience. They also discussed about enhancing defence cooperation, technology transfer, capacity building, and partnership towards COP32. Engagements with Russian President Vladimir Putin were also fruitful as the leaders held constructive discussion about strengthening the strategic partnership between Ethiopia and Russia. They also explored opportunities to expand educational exchanges and deepen collaboration in cultural and people-to-people ties. These matter because Ethiopia’s development challenge is not only about capital. It is also about capability. The ability to learn, adapt, and transfer technology is essential for long-term transformation. By building these kinds of partnerships, Ethiopia is positioning itself to access expertise and innovation that can strengthen its domestic economy. Ethiopia as bridge between Africa and Global South Perhaps the most important strategic takeaway from the summit is the increasing recognition of Ethiopia as more than a national state pursuing narrow interests. It is emerging as a bridge between Africa and the Global South, between regional integration and global partnerships, and between diplomatic ambition and economic transformation. As host of the African Union headquarters and a diplomatic hub on the continent, Ethiopia occupies a unique position. It can connect African priorities with broader international conversations in ways that few countries can. This gives Ethiopia a powerful platform to advocate not only for its own development, but also for the interests of Africa as a whole. With its population of more than 135 million, vast agricultural potential, strategic location, and growing industrial ambitions, Ethiopia has real assets to bring to the table. The BRICS summit showed that it is using those assets with increasing confidence.

Addis Ababa, September 20, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates are stepping up efforts to deepen partnership in various spheres, Ethiopia’s Ambassador to the UAE, Jemal Beker told ENA. The Special Envoy and Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary highlighted the expanding partnership as the two countries accelerate cooperation in investment, tourism, trade, and other economic sectors to turn growing diplomatic ties into tangible business opportunities. He said Ethiopia’s ongoing macroeconomic reforms are helping create a more favorable environment for foreign investment by improving the investment climate, attracting international capital, and strengthening the country’s integration into the global economy. The Ethiopian Embassy in the UAE, he added, is playing an active role in promoting Ethiopia’s investment opportunities and connecting Ethiopian businesses and projects with potential international investors. Ethiopia’s abundant renewable energy resources, large and youthful workforce, strategic geographic position, and international connectivity—including through Ethiopian Airlines, are among the country’s major investment advantages, Ambassador Jemal pointed out. The embassy is leveraging international conferences, business forums, investment events, and direct engagement with the private sector to showcase these opportunities and facilitate stronger links between Ethiopian and UAE-based investors. Ambassador Jemal also highlighted the participation of an Ethiopian delegation led by President Taye Atske Selassie in the annual Global Investment Meeting in the UAE as an important platform for presenting Ethiopia’s investment potential and further strengthening economic cooperation between the two countries. Beyond investment, Ethiopia and the UAE are working to expand bilateral trade by consolidating existing markets while identifying new areas of commercial cooperation. The embassy is engaging relevant stakeholders and businesses to facilitate stronger connections and help increase trade flows between the two countries. Tourism is also emerging as another important area of bilateral cooperation. Ethiopia is seeking to attract more visitors from the UAE by promoting its rich historical and cultural heritage, diverse natural landscapes, and growing tourism destinations. Initiatives such as “Dine for Nation” are being increasingly promoted to international audiences as part of efforts to position Ethiopia as an attractive tourism destination. The two countries are also exploring greater cooperation in technology transfer, professional expertise, and technical support. Such partnerships could strengthen knowledge sharing, capacity building, and access to technologies that support Ethiopia’s broader economic transformation. Ambassador Jemal said Ethiopia will continue working with the UAE to expand trade and investment, attract more tourists, and strengthen cooperation in technology and professional expertise. The efforts, he noted, reflect the two countries’ broader push to turn their growing bilateral relationship into tangible economic opportunities for businesses and people in both countries.