Addis Ababa, January 17, 2026 (ENA)—Revenue generated by public enterprises under Ethiopian Investment Holdings (EIH) has shown a significant increase due to improved asset management and efficient utilization, Deputy CEO Habtamu Hailemichael said. The Finance Forward Ethiopia Conference was held in the presence of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, senior government officials, and representatives from financial institutions nationwide. The conference highlighted the achievements of Ethiopian Investment Holdings (EIH), which has unified 41 public enterprises to modernize governance and auditing practices. In that regard, Habtamu noted that reforms implemented under EIH have strengthened governance, auditing, and operational efficiency across state-owned enterprises. The reform initiative was designed to address longstanding challenges such as financial deficits, weak auditing systems, and governance inefficiencies. As part of the transformation, a modern audit system has been introduced, enabling several enterprises to move from financial distress to profitability. Prior to the reform, many public enterprises were facing severe economic difficulties, with some on the brink of collapse. Habtamu stated that leadership and management changes under EIH have begun to yield positive results, with enterprises now demonstrating recovery and growth. He emphasized that effective resource management and utilization have been central to the revenue gains. According to the Deputy CEO, public enterprises managed by EIH generated more than 1.3 trillion Birr in revenue during the first six months of the current Ethiopian fiscal year, marking a 51 percent increase compared to the same period last year. Enterprises in the transportation and logistics sectors contributed a significant share of the revenue. Ethiopian Airlines, Ethio Telecom, Commercial Bank of Ethiopia, Ethiopian Maritime Transport and Logistics, and the Ethiopian Petroleum Supply Enterprise together accounted for 80 percent of total revenue, he said. Habtamu further noted that public enterprises under EIH contribute about 12 percent of the national GDP and remain among the country’s largest taxpayers. In the last Ethiopian fiscal year alone, these enterprises paid more than 228 billion Birr in taxes to the government.

Op-ed By Nebiyu Tedla (Ambassador) Ethiopia has historically been a Red Sea–oriented and maritime civilization, with ancient and well-established legal and historical claims to sovereign access to the sea. Despite these deep roots, Ethiopia has faced repeated efforts particularly during the colonial and post-colonial periods to sever its Red Sea access through legal and political injustices. These attempts to render Ethiopia landlocked have had implications not only for the country itself but also for regional and international peace and security. Therefore, Ethiopia’s pursuit to restore its rightful sovereign access to the Red Sea remains imperative from historical, legal, economic, and geopolitical perspectives. Historical sovereignty during the Axumite and Medieval times Northern Ethiopia, historically known by local communities as “Medri Bahri” (land of the sea), encompassed territories adjacent to the Red Sea, which were long under Ethiopian control. Central to this was Adulis, a major strategic port firmly within Ethiopia’s sphere of influence during the Axumite era. Adulis served as a vital commercial hub, linking Ethiopia and Africa more broadly to global trade networks, making the Red Sea coast essential to Axum’s economic strength and security. Adulis was best known as the main port of the Kingdom of Aksum, one of the great ancient powers of the Horn of Africa. Ethiopian rulers consistently asserted historical authority over the coastal regions and their hinterlands, including much of present-day Eritrea. During various periods, Muslim sultanates along the coast functioned as vassal states. Adulis paid tribute to Axum, mainly through customs duties and trade goods (ivory, gold, slaves, spices). Axum controlled foreign trade and diplomacy through Adulis. Axum held ultimate authority over taxation, trade policy, and external relations. Even in later eras, such as the Zemene Mesafint (Era of the Princes), Ethiopian control persisted; in the 18th century, Ras Mikael Sehul of Tigray exercised effective authority over Red Sea coastal areas, including Massawa, through the vassal principalities. Modern times sovereignty and claims In the 19th century, attempts by the rulers of Egypt to invade Ethiopia were decisively repelled by Ethiopian forces in the Battles of Gundet and Gura, affirming Ethiopia’s sovereignty over both the Red Sea coastal areas and their hinterlands. These landmark victories underscored Ethiopia’s effective control of territories that today lie within Eritrea, historically known as Mereb Melash, a region of the Ethiopian Empire. The Battle of Gundet was fought in a narrow mountain pass near the village of Gundet in the Seraye district, along the strategic route linking the port of Massawa to Adwa in Tigray. The second and more decisive engagement, the Battle of Gura, took place on the Plain of Gura, roughly 80 miles inland from Massawa. Gura, located in the Akele Guzay region (present day Debub Region of Eritrea), lies about 9 kilometers southeast of Dekemhare and approximately 32 kilometers south-southeast of Asmara. Together, these victories demonstrated that the hinterlands of present day Eritrea were firmly under Ethiopian authority at the time. Another clear affirmation of Ethiopia’s sovereign control over the Red Sea region is found in the Hewett Treaty (also known as the Adwa or Adulis Treaty) of 1884 a foundational legal document that strengthened Ethiopia’s historical claim to Red Sea access. Negotiated in 1884 at Adwa, the treaty involved the Ethiopian Empire under Emperor Yohannes IV and Great Britain represented by Rear Admiral Sir William Hewett. The Hewett Treaty was signed between Ethiopia (under Emperor Yohannes IV) and Great Britain, with Britain acting in part on behalf of Egypt. Egypt’s position in the region had weakened following military defeats and internal unrest, which led Britain to manage many of Egypt’s foreign affairs during this period. Its purpose was to end prolonged Egyptian hostilities towards Ethiopia and to secure Ethiopian assistance in facilitating the withdrawal of Egyptian forces trapped in Sudan during the Mahdist uprising. Among its key provisions of the treaty was the restoration of the Bogos district (in present-day Eritrea) to Ethiopian sovereignty. Territories including Mereb, Bellesa, and Hamasien, which had been occupied by Egypt, were formally returned to Ethiopia. Crucially, the treaty also guaranteed Ethiopia’s authority to the ports of Massawa and Amphilla, including the southern hinterlands of Massawa. In return, Ethiopia agreed to ensure the safe evacuation of Egyptian garrisons from the Sudanese frontier. Through these provisions, the Hewett Treaty legally affirmed Ethiopia’s sovereignty over the Red Sea coastline and the hinterlands of what is now Eritrea, fully endorsing Ethiopia’s historic entitlement to Red Sea access prior to Italian colonial intervention. The treaty affirmed Ethiopia’s de jure recognition of its territorial claims and its preexisting sovereign rights over both land and coastline. It serves as documentary evidence that regional and international actors of the period acknowledged Ethiopia’s legitimate access to the coast prior to Italy’s arrival. However, despite Emperor Yohannes IV’s fulfillment of his obligations under the treaty most notably the rescue of thousands of Egyptian soldiers the agreement is often remembered in Ethiopian history as a betrayal. Less than a year later, in 1885, the then Britain rulers permitted Italy to occupy the port of Massawa rather than safeguarding Ethiopia’s coastal access. This decision effectively severed Ethiopia from the Red Sea and laid the groundwork for prolonged conflict with Italian colonial forces, culminating in the Battle of Dogali and, ultimately, the Battle of Adwa. Italy’s Invasion and Eritrea’s Creation Prior to Italy’s full-scale invasion of Ethiopia’s coastal regions and later its hinterland, the Battle of Dogali marked a critical early confrontation. Fought on January 26, 1887, near the town of Dogali inside what is now Eritrea, the battle represented a significant military clash between the Ethiopian Empire and the Kingdom of Italy. In the aftermath of the Hewett Treaty, Italy occupied the port of Massawa and began advancing inland into territory claimed by Ethiopia. Ras Alula Engida, governor of the Mereb Melash region under Emperor Yohannes IV, demanded that Italian forces withdraw. When they refused, Ras Alula led an ambush against an Italian column commanded by Colonel Tommaso De Cristoforis. After an intense engagement with the Italian troops exhausted the column was almost entirely destroyed. The Ethiopian victory at Dogali became a powerful symbolic affirmation of Ethiopian sovereignty over the region. In Italy, the defeat at Dogali widely referred to as the “Dogali Massacre” triggered a profound political crisis, culminating in the resignation of Prime Minister Agostino Depretis. The event left a lasting imprint on Italian national memory, commemorated by the monument honoring the “Five Hundred Heroes” at Rome’s Piazza dei Cinquecento. Italian territorial expansion in the region began earlier in Assab, a move that set in motion a gradual process of colonial encroachment and ultimately led to the formal establishment of an Italian colony in 1890. Through this expansion, Italy invaded Ethiopia’s internationally recognized coastal territories and consolidated its control by creating the colony of Eritrea. The designation “Eritrea” was officially assigned on January 1, 1890, by the Italian colonial administration. As such, Eritrea was carved out of territory that had historically formed part of the Ethiopian state. Prior to Italian occupation, Eritrea did not exist as a distinct political or territorial entity; rather, it constituted an integral extension of Ethiopia’s historical domain. The breached 1900, 1902 and 1908 boundary treaties The second Italian invasion of Ethiopia constituted a clear repudiation of Italy’s own treaty obligations as set out in the boundary agreements of 1900, 1902, and 1908. By launching the invasion, Italy violated the fundamental international legal principle of pacta sunt servanda, which requires states to honor their treaty commitments. The aggression further breached the Covenant of the League of Nations and the 1928 Kellogg–Briand Pact, both of which explicitly renounced war as an instrument of national policy. In addition, Italy violated the Ethio-Italian Treaty of Friendship and Arbitration signed on August 2, 1928. Following the Second World War, Ethiopia was restored on the basis of its pre-invasion territorial status, and the 1947 Treaty of Peace with Italy formally extinguished all Italian claims to sovereignty. As a consequence, the colonial boundary treaties of 1900, 1902, and 1908 delineating the Ethiopia–Eritrea border lost their legal force. This followed the doctrine of ipso facto termination, whereby the outbreak of war automatically abrogates preexisting treaties between belligerent states. Against this legal backdrop, Emperor Haile Selassie’s decision to reincorporate Eritrea into Ethiopia was both rational and consistent with the international legal norms prevailing at the time. That decision should therefore be evaluated within its historical and legal context, rather than through the lens of standards that emerged decades later. The United Nations-brokered federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia thus represented a politically expedient but fundamentally flawed compromise. It failed to fully remedy the colonial dismemberment of Ethiopian territory and instead laid the groundwork for future conflict. By declining to recognize Eritrea as an integral part of Ethiopia prior to 1890, the arrangement left unresolved the core legal and historical injustice at the heart of the dispute. In light of these factors, Ethiopia, as the parent state, retains a compelling claim to reasonable access to the Red Sea. With the exception of a relatively brief period of Italian occupation, Ethiopia historically maintained access to the Red Sea, and principles of historical justice demand the correction of the profound injustices inflicted during the colonial, post-colonial, and more recent periods. Beyond historical considerations, Ethiopia’s access is also dictated by vital economic and security imperatives. Naval militarization, the establishment of foreign military bases, and the threat of piracy along this critical international waterway directly affect Ethiopia’s national interests. Regrettably, there has been little indication of a genuine willingness on the part of President Isaias Afwerki’s government to pursue constructive cooperation with Ethiopia. Instead, policies of destabilization have prevailed, driven by the perception that a strong and economically viable Ethiopia poses a strategic threat. Yet Eritrea bears moral and legal responsibilities under the international principle of good neighborliness to take into account the vital interests of Ethiopia. This obligation is heightened by the historical reality that Eritrean territory was fashioned out of lands that had long formed part of the Ethiopian state. Accordingly, Eritrea has both a moral and legal duty to accommodate Ethiopia’s need for sovereign access to the Red Sea. Without addressing this fundamental issue, lasting peace and genuine cooperation between the two countries will remain elusive. Ethiopia’s landlocked condition is neither a natural destiny nor an undisputable fact. Geography will never remain a destiny but one that can be bended through time and factors. If not, it is a source of regional instability and a significant barrier to sustainable development. For Ethiopia, the restoration of sovereign access to the Red Sea is not a matter of preference but a national imperative essential to long-term peace and prosperity. The way forward therefore requires the principled and resolute correction of these longstanding injustices. Ambassador Nebiyu Tedla is Director General of Public Diplomacy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

Addis Ababa, January 17, 2026 (ENA)—The Ethiopian Aviation University has graduated 457 aviation professionals from 12 countries today. The 58 pilots, 115 aircraft maintenance technicians, and 284 cabin crew are from Cameroon, Chad, Ethiopia, Gabon, Italy, Madagascar, Malawi, Nigeria, Senegal, Tanzania, Uganda, and Yemen. Speaking at the graduation ceremony, Ethiopian Airlines Group CEO Mesfin Tasew said there are several factors that have helped the Ethiopian Airlines to become the leading Airlines Group in Africa.     Among them, the major one is its ability to recruit, train, and retain a highly skilled and motivated workforce, he added. In this regard, the Ethiopian Aviation University has played indispensable role of supplying key aviation professionals to Ethiopian Airlines and other African countries for several decades now. The fact that today's graduates include young people from 12 different countries is a clear testimony of the contribution of the university for the growth of the aviation industry in Africa and beyond, the CEO underscored.     According to Mesfin, Ethiopian Airlines is investing a lot to expand the capacity of the university further, recognizing the necessity of producing competent aviation professionals for the success of an airline. Ethiopian Aviation University President, Laeke Tadesse, on his part said the university is committed to delivering world-class aviation training. "We are not educating professionals for Ethiopian Airlines; but shaping visionary leaders for the entire Africa in the aviation sector'', he underlined. As a truly Pan-African institution, the mission of Ethiopian Aviation University transcends boarders, and the institutions is here to elevate the continent and prevail, the President stated.

Addis Ababa, January 17, 2026 (ENA)—The European Union has reaffirmed its commitment to deepening cooperation with Ethiopia across key strategic areas, following high-level discussions between Ethiopian leadership and the European External Action Service. European External Action Service (EEAS) Deputy Secretary-General for Political Affairs, Olof Skoog, paid an official visit to Ethiopia this week, where he held discussions with Foreign Minister Gedion Timothowes, President Taye Atske Selassie, and other senior government officials. The talks focused on reviewing the state of EU–Ethiopia relations and identifying opportunities to further strengthen collaboration. Approached by ENA, Skoog described EU–Ethiopia relations as holding “great promise,” particularly at a time when global challenges are placing increasing pressure on the international institutions. “We believe that in the current geopolitical juncture where there are some big players who are questioning the UN Charter and international law, those of us who hold these values and principles very dear, need cooperate and stay close together.” He emphasized that countries and institutions committed to multilateralism, international law, and the principles of the UN Charter must work more closely together amid the evolving global geopolitical landscape. Security cooperation featured prominently in the discussions, including shared concerns over stability in the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa. “We've also discussed security around the Red Sea in the horn of Africa, but also in Europe, and how we can cooperate also on that,” the deputy secretary-general revealed. On counter-terrorism, Skoog said it is a potential area where the EU and Ethiopia will deepen their collaboration. Enhanced economic cooperation and sustainable development within countries, as well as across the region, would greatly benefit from stronger cross-border economic integration, an area where Europe is looking to make a potential contribution, he added. He added that the European Union has been strongly supportive of Ethiopia’s ongoing economic reforms and sees considerable potential to expand trade and investment between the two partners. He emphasized that, beyond various supports, Europe seeks to contribute to Ethiopia’s broader economic development by sharing expertise in modern technology. He further stated: “We want to be part of the economic development of Ethiopia.” He noted that promoting sustainable approaches to growth is also a part Europe could contribute, highlighting a long-term commitment to fostering inclusive and resilient development in the country. Skoog noted that a favorable business climate could attract European companies to explore the business in Ethiopia boosting trade and investment. He added that Europe aims to contribute to Ethiopia’s development through modern technology and sustainable development approaches. Skoog said the EU and Ethiopia “see eye to eye” on the climate agenda and discussed enhanced cooperation ahead of the upcoming COP climate conference to be hosted in Ethiopia. Addressing regional tensions, Skoog acknowledged that conflicts and heated rhetoric persist in parts of the Horn of Africa. However, he underscored that both sides remain focused on de-escalation through dialogue. He noted the importance of reviving diplomatic engagement, pursuing political solutions to address the root causes of conflict is crucial to strengthening regional cooperation as a sustainable and constructive alternative to conflict.

Addis Ababa, January 17, 2026 (ENA)—Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has reaffirmed that the Rural Corridor Initiative is a national development priority playing a critical role in improving the livelihoods of farmers and pastoralist communities across Ethiopia. The Prime Minister, accompanied by First Lady Zinash Tayachew, senior federal government officials, and regional leaders, today visited a model development site in Guraferda Woreda of the South West Ethiopia Peoples’ Region. Speaking during the visit, Prime Minister Abiy underscored the initiative’s transformative impact on rural communities. He noted that the site was developed by the Office of the Prime Minister in collaboration with accountable institutions as part of broader efforts to promote integrated and sustainable rural development. The model site includes ten modern residential units, each equipped with bedrooms, a living room, a kitchen, storage space, dedicated cattle rooms, and outdoor bathroom facilities. All homes are connected to the national electric grid and fitted with satellite dishes, ensuring access to modern services and information. Beyond housing, the compound features chicken coops, cattle shelters, beehives, and diversified gardens producing fruits and vegetables. The Prime Minister further explained that the development follows an integrated approach, incorporating renewable energy solutions such as solar power and biogas, alongside other key development interventions. According to Prime Minister Abiy, the Rural Corridor Initiative creates strong opportunities for communities to adopt a modern, healthy, clean, and improved standard of living. He emphasized that the success and nationwide expansion of this transformative program require collective effort and shared responsibility from all stakeholders.