By Molla Mitiku Every January, as sacred waters are prepared and ancient hymns rise before dawn, Timket (Ethiopian Epiphany) draws Ethiopia into a shared moment of faith and reflection. More than a commemoration of Epiphany, the festival stands at the heart of the nation’s living heritage, linking belief with history, culture, social life, tourism and economic vitality. Rooted in centuries old ritual yet fully alive in the present, Timket shows how a single tradition continues to shape identity, foster unity, sustain livelihoods and project Ethiopia’s heritage to the world. Draped in white cotton garments, millions of Ethiopian Orthodox Christians gather in prayer and song to mark the baptism of Jesus Christ. Timket unfolds not simply as a holy day but as a living national ritual where faith, memory and communal life converge in one of Africa’s oldest public traditions. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly described Timket as “a celebration that reminds us of who we are as Ethiopians, a people bound by faith, history and shared values.” The festival, he notes, affirms both spiritual renewal and national continuity. “Our traditions are not relics of the past. They are living forces that guide our present and shape our future,” he has said. According to religious scholars, the word Timket comes from the ancient liturgical language Ge’ez, meaning immersion in water, a direct reference to the baptismal rite at the center of the celebration. Historical records trace its observance as a national religious festival to at least the sixth century, placing it among the world’s longest continuously celebrated Christian traditions. Its rituals assumed their formal character during the medieval period, particularly in the fifteenth century under Emperor Zer’a Ya’ekob. During his reign, the ceremonial role of the Tabot, the sacred replica of the Ark of the Covenant, was firmly established. He decreed that Tabots be carried from churches to nearby water bodies for blessing, shaping the majestic processions that now define Timket. Senior theologians stress that the ritual goes far beyond symbolic display. “Timket is not a reenactment for spectacle. It is a living sacrament. When the faithful receive the blessed water, they renew the covenant they entered through baptism,” one explains. At the heart of the festival is the dawn liturgy held beside rivers, lakes or specially prepared pools known as Timket Bahir. Long before sunrise, clergy and worshippers gather in prayer as incense drifts over the water and candles flicker in the darkness. When the water is blessed, the spiritual climax is reached. Holy water is sprinkled on the faithful, while many choose full immersion as a sign of renewal. Timket unfolds over three days, beginning with Ketera, the eve of the main celebration. On this day, Tabots are removed from their sanctuaries in a sacred rite. Ordinarily hidden from public view and accessible only to ordained clergy, the Tabot symbolizes the Tablets of the Law and the presence of God. Wrapped in richly embroidered cloths, the Tabots are carried on the heads of senior priests from churches to designated water sites, accompanied by chanting, rhythmic drumming and vivid ceremonial umbrellas. The night of Ketera is spent in vigil, with prayers and hymns continuing until dawn. While theology forms its foundation, Timket is equally a powerful cultural expression. Across the country, white shamma and netela garments fill streets and open fields, symbolizing purity and humility. Music and movement are central, as traditional church chants echo through towns and villages. In many communities, solemn worship flows naturally into communal singing and dance. Historians describe Timket as deeply reverent yet profoundly joyful, reflecting an Ethiopian understanding of faith as something lived collectively rather than privately. Echoing this view, the Prime Minister has noted, “Our strength as a nation lies in our ability to celebrate diversity while standing together as one people.” Timket also serves as a moment of social renewal. Ethiopians from different backgrounds gather in shared public spaces, where urban professionals stand beside rural farmers and diverse communities move to a common spiritual rhythm. Ethiopians of other faiths often attend as observers, drawn by the atmosphere of inclusion. In rural areas, Timket has long been associated with reconciliation. Disputes are settled, forgiveness is encouraged and communal meals symbolize restored harmony. This tradition reflects the Prime Minister’s message that “peace begins in the hearts of citizens and is strengthened through shared values and mutual forgiveness.” For younger generations, Timket remains a vibrant social occasion. It offers space for friendship, courtship and shared memory. Folk customs, such as young men offering lemons to young women as a sign of interest, continue in many areas, showing how tradition adapts while retaining meaning. Beyond religion, Timket carries deep national significance. Ethiopia, one of the world’s oldest Christian civilizations, views the festival as a living expression of historical endurance. Ancient rites performed in modern cities offer a powerful image of continuity. In 2019, UNESCO inscribed Timket on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, recognizing its role in strengthening social cohesion and transmitting values across generations. The inscription placed Timket alongside other Ethiopian heritages recognized globally, including Meskel, the Gada system of the Oromo, Fichee Chambalaalla of the Sidama, the Ethiopian coffee ceremony, and Ashenda, Shadey and Soleluna celebrations. Heritage experts say the recognition underscores a broader truth that Ethiopia’s heritage lives not only in monuments but in rituals, social systems and everyday practices. International recognition has drawn researchers, cultural institutions and visitors, while diaspora communities recreate Timket processions and water blessings far from home. Cities such as Gondar, Lalibela and Addis Ababa become major centers of religious and cultural tourism during the festival. Sites including Fasilides Bath, the rock hewn churches of Lalibela and Jan Meda attract large crowds eager to witness a tradition that remains lived rather than staged. According to the Ministry of Tourism, Timket has emerged as one of the country’s strongest seasonal drivers of tourism revenue. Ministry assessments indicate that the festival period accounts for a significant share of January domestic travel, with hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians moving between regions. In peak years, Gondar alone hosts close to one million participants during Timket, while Addis Ababa and Lalibela each record several hundred thousand visitors, sharply increasing hotel occupancy and service demand. Ministry data further show that festival related spending during Timket injects hundreds of millions of birr into local economies within a single week. Accommodation, transport, food services and cultural merchandise register their highest seasonal turnover, while small scale traders, weavers and artisans report income increases of two to three times their monthly averages. The Ministry notes that “Timket creates a unique concentration of economic activity that directly benefits community based enterprises.” The economic impact extends beyond immediate consumption. Sustained Timket driven demand has encouraged investment in tourism infrastructure, including hotel expansion, transport services and site restoration. Upgrades at heritage locations such as Fasil Ghebbi in Gondar and improved air and road connectivity to Lalibela were partly justified by predictable festival inflows. State Minister of Tourism Sileshi Girma has stated, “Cultural festivals like Timket are not only spiritual assets. They are engines of inclusive growth when managed responsibly.” Timket also plays a strategic role in Ethiopia’s broader tourism policy, which seeks to lengthen visitor stays and diversify experiences. By promoting authentic cultural engagement rather than spectacle, the country aims to position itself as a destination of depth and meaning. Timket’s religious integrity, combined with its scale and continuity, increasingly attracts international visitors, scholars and diaspora communities seeking connection rather than entertainment. As Ethiopia continues to modernize, Timket remains a constant that anchors communities to shared values and collective memory. “Modernization does not mean losing our soul. It means carrying our heritage forward with confidence,” the Prime Minister has said. From quiet prayers at dawn to the vibrant gatherings that follow, Timket endures as a living celebration of faith, culture and community. As holy water is blessed and shared, and as Tabots journey through streets and fields each year, the festival continues to bind past and present with remarkable continuity, offering a powerful reminder of Ethiopia’s enduring spirit.

Op-ed By Nebiyu Tedla (Ambassador) Ethiopia has historically been a Red Sea–oriented and maritime civilization, with ancient and well-established legal and historical claims to sovereign access to the sea. Despite these deep roots, Ethiopia has faced repeated efforts particularly during the colonial and post-colonial periods to sever its Red Sea access through legal and political injustices. These attempts to render Ethiopia landlocked have had implications not only for the country itself but also for regional and international peace and security. Therefore, Ethiopia’s pursuit to restore its rightful sovereign access to the Red Sea remains imperative from historical, legal, economic, and geopolitical perspectives. Historical sovereignty during the Axumite and Medieval times Northern Ethiopia, historically known by local communities as “Medri Bahri” (land of the sea), encompassed territories adjacent to the Red Sea, which were long under Ethiopian control. Central to this was Adulis, a major strategic port firmly within Ethiopia’s sphere of influence during the Axumite era. Adulis served as a vital commercial hub, linking Ethiopia and Africa more broadly to global trade networks, making the Red Sea coast essential to Axum’s economic strength and security. Adulis was best known as the main port of the Kingdom of Aksum, one of the great ancient powers of the Horn of Africa. Ethiopian rulers consistently asserted historical authority over the coastal regions and their hinterlands, including much of present-day Eritrea. During various periods, Muslim sultanates along the coast functioned as vassal states. Adulis paid tribute to Axum, mainly through customs duties and trade goods (ivory, gold, slaves, spices). Axum controlled foreign trade and diplomacy through Adulis. Axum held ultimate authority over taxation, trade policy, and external relations. Even in later eras, such as the Zemene Mesafint (Era of the Princes), Ethiopian control persisted; in the 18th century, Ras Mikael Sehul of Tigray exercised effective authority over Red Sea coastal areas, including Massawa, through the vassal principalities. Modern times sovereignty and claims In the 19th century, attempts by the rulers of Egypt to invade Ethiopia were decisively repelled by Ethiopian forces in the Battles of Gundet and Gura, affirming Ethiopia’s sovereignty over both the Red Sea coastal areas and their hinterlands. These landmark victories underscored Ethiopia’s effective control of territories that today lie within Eritrea, historically known as Mereb Melash, a region of the Ethiopian Empire. The Battle of Gundet was fought in a narrow mountain pass near the village of Gundet in the Seraye district, along the strategic route linking the port of Massawa to Adwa in Tigray. The second and more decisive engagement, the Battle of Gura, took place on the Plain of Gura, roughly 80 miles inland from Massawa. Gura, located in the Akele Guzay region (present day Debub Region of Eritrea), lies about 9 kilometers southeast of Dekemhare and approximately 32 kilometers south-southeast of Asmara. Together, these victories demonstrated that the hinterlands of present day Eritrea were firmly under Ethiopian authority at the time. Another clear affirmation of Ethiopia’s sovereign control over the Red Sea region is found in the Hewett Treaty (also known as the Adwa or Adulis Treaty) of 1884 a foundational legal document that strengthened Ethiopia’s historical claim to Red Sea access. Negotiated in 1884 at Adwa, the treaty involved the Ethiopian Empire under Emperor Yohannes IV and Great Britain represented by Rear Admiral Sir William Hewett. The Hewett Treaty was signed between Ethiopia (under Emperor Yohannes IV) and Great Britain, with Britain acting in part on behalf of Egypt. Egypt’s position in the region had weakened following military defeats and internal unrest, which led Britain to manage many of Egypt’s foreign affairs during this period. Its purpose was to end prolonged Egyptian hostilities towards Ethiopia and to secure Ethiopian assistance in facilitating the withdrawal of Egyptian forces trapped in Sudan during the Mahdist uprising. Among its key provisions of the treaty was the restoration of the Bogos district (in present-day Eritrea) to Ethiopian sovereignty. Territories including Mereb, Bellesa, and Hamasien, which had been occupied by Egypt, were formally returned to Ethiopia. Crucially, the treaty also guaranteed Ethiopia’s authority to the ports of Massawa and Amphilla, including the southern hinterlands of Massawa. In return, Ethiopia agreed to ensure the safe evacuation of Egyptian garrisons from the Sudanese frontier. Through these provisions, the Hewett Treaty legally affirmed Ethiopia’s sovereignty over the Red Sea coastline and the hinterlands of what is now Eritrea, fully endorsing Ethiopia’s historic entitlement to Red Sea access prior to Italian colonial intervention. The treaty affirmed Ethiopia’s de jure recognition of its territorial claims and its preexisting sovereign rights over both land and coastline. It serves as documentary evidence that regional and international actors of the period acknowledged Ethiopia’s legitimate access to the coast prior to Italy’s arrival. However, despite Emperor Yohannes IV’s fulfillment of his obligations under the treaty most notably the rescue of thousands of Egyptian soldiers the agreement is often remembered in Ethiopian history as a betrayal. Less than a year later, in 1885, the then Britain rulers permitted Italy to occupy the port of Massawa rather than safeguarding Ethiopia’s coastal access. This decision effectively severed Ethiopia from the Red Sea and laid the groundwork for prolonged conflict with Italian colonial forces, culminating in the Battle of Dogali and, ultimately, the Battle of Adwa. Italy’s Invasion and Eritrea’s Creation Prior to Italy’s full-scale invasion of Ethiopia’s coastal regions and later its hinterland, the Battle of Dogali marked a critical early confrontation. Fought on January 26, 1887, near the town of Dogali inside what is now Eritrea, the battle represented a significant military clash between the Ethiopian Empire and the Kingdom of Italy. In the aftermath of the Hewett Treaty, Italy occupied the port of Massawa and began advancing inland into territory claimed by Ethiopia. Ras Alula Engida, governor of the Mereb Melash region under Emperor Yohannes IV, demanded that Italian forces withdraw. When they refused, Ras Alula led an ambush against an Italian column commanded by Colonel Tommaso De Cristoforis. After an intense engagement with the Italian troops exhausted the column was almost entirely destroyed. The Ethiopian victory at Dogali became a powerful symbolic affirmation of Ethiopian sovereignty over the region. In Italy, the defeat at Dogali widely referred to as the “Dogali Massacre” triggered a profound political crisis, culminating in the resignation of Prime Minister Agostino Depretis. The event left a lasting imprint on Italian national memory, commemorated by the monument honoring the “Five Hundred Heroes” at Rome’s Piazza dei Cinquecento. Italian territorial expansion in the region began earlier in Assab, a move that set in motion a gradual process of colonial encroachment and ultimately led to the formal establishment of an Italian colony in 1890. Through this expansion, Italy invaded Ethiopia’s internationally recognized coastal territories and consolidated its control by creating the colony of Eritrea. The designation “Eritrea” was officially assigned on January 1, 1890, by the Italian colonial administration. As such, Eritrea was carved out of territory that had historically formed part of the Ethiopian state. Prior to Italian occupation, Eritrea did not exist as a distinct political or territorial entity; rather, it constituted an integral extension of Ethiopia’s historical domain. The breached 1900, 1902 and 1908 boundary treaties The second Italian invasion of Ethiopia constituted a clear repudiation of Italy’s own treaty obligations as set out in the boundary agreements of 1900, 1902, and 1908. By launching the invasion, Italy violated the fundamental international legal principle of pacta sunt servanda, which requires states to honor their treaty commitments. The aggression further breached the Covenant of the League of Nations and the 1928 Kellogg–Briand Pact, both of which explicitly renounced war as an instrument of national policy. In addition, Italy violated the Ethio-Italian Treaty of Friendship and Arbitration signed on August 2, 1928. Following the Second World War, Ethiopia was restored on the basis of its pre-invasion territorial status, and the 1947 Treaty of Peace with Italy formally extinguished all Italian claims to sovereignty. As a consequence, the colonial boundary treaties of 1900, 1902, and 1908 delineating the Ethiopia–Eritrea border lost their legal force. This followed the doctrine of ipso facto termination, whereby the outbreak of war automatically abrogates preexisting treaties between belligerent states. Against this legal backdrop, Emperor Haile Selassie’s decision to reincorporate Eritrea into Ethiopia was both rational and consistent with the international legal norms prevailing at the time. That decision should therefore be evaluated within its historical and legal context, rather than through the lens of standards that emerged decades later. The United Nations-brokered federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia thus represented a politically expedient but fundamentally flawed compromise. It failed to fully remedy the colonial dismemberment of Ethiopian territory and instead laid the groundwork for future conflict. By declining to recognize Eritrea as an integral part of Ethiopia prior to 1890, the arrangement left unresolved the core legal and historical injustice at the heart of the dispute. In light of these factors, Ethiopia, as the parent state, retains a compelling claim to reasonable access to the Red Sea. With the exception of a relatively brief period of Italian occupation, Ethiopia historically maintained access to the Red Sea, and principles of historical justice demand the correction of the profound injustices inflicted during the colonial, post-colonial, and more recent periods. Beyond historical considerations, Ethiopia’s access is also dictated by vital economic and security imperatives. Naval militarization, the establishment of foreign military bases, and the threat of piracy along this critical international waterway directly affect Ethiopia’s national interests. Regrettably, there has been little indication of a genuine willingness on the part of President Isaias Afwerki’s government to pursue constructive cooperation with Ethiopia. Instead, policies of destabilization have prevailed, driven by the perception that a strong and economically viable Ethiopia poses a strategic threat. Yet Eritrea bears moral and legal responsibilities under the international principle of good neighborliness to take into account the vital interests of Ethiopia. This obligation is heightened by the historical reality that Eritrean territory was fashioned out of lands that had long formed part of the Ethiopian state. Accordingly, Eritrea has both a moral and legal duty to accommodate Ethiopia’s need for sovereign access to the Red Sea. Without addressing this fundamental issue, lasting peace and genuine cooperation between the two countries will remain elusive. Ethiopia’s landlocked condition is neither a natural destiny nor an undisputable fact. Geography will never remain a destiny but one that can be bended through time and factors. If not, it is a source of regional instability and a significant barrier to sustainable development. For Ethiopia, the restoration of sovereign access to the Red Sea is not a matter of preference but a national imperative essential to long-term peace and prosperity. The way forward therefore requires the principled and resolute correction of these longstanding injustices. Ambassador Nebiyu Tedla is Director General of Public Diplomacy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia