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Ethiopia’s Diplomatic Momentum—From Regional Weight to Global Reach
Sep 27, 2026 920
By Staff Writer Sept. 27, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia’s diplomacy is entering a new era—less confined to traditional political relations and increasingly driven by economic interests, strategic partnerships and a wider global footprint. Over the past eight years, Ethiopia has significantly broadened the arenas in which it engages the world. From Addis Ababa’s role as the diplomatic capital of Africa to its entry into BRICS, from the Pretoria peace process to the Ankara Declaration, from renewed WTO negotiations to a seat on the UN Human Rights Council, Ethiopia has expanded the platforms through which it seeks to shape regional and international affairs. The story is not about one diplomatic breakthrough. It is about the widening of Ethiopia’s diplomatic space. From Addis Ababa to BRICS One of the clearest symbols of this expansion is Ethiopia’s entry into BRICS. At the Johannesburg Summit in August 2023, BRICS leaders invited Ethiopia to become a full member, with membership taking effect on January 1, 2024. For Addis Ababa, BRICS opened another channel to engage major emerging economies and participate in discussions spanning politics and security, economic and financial cooperation, and people-to-people relations. More importantly, the move reflected a broader diplomatic strategy: diversification. Ethiopia has sought to deepen relations simultaneously with African partners, emerging economies, Western countries, Gulf states and Asian powers rather than allowing its international engagement to depend on a narrow circle of partners. Diplomacy With an Economic Purpose Perhaps the most important change has been the growing weight of economic diplomacy. Foreign policy is increasingly being connected to investment, trade, tourism, technology, infrastructure and market access. Diplomatic missions are expected not only to represent Ethiopia politically, but also to help connect the country with capital, markets and commercial opportunities. That shift mirrors Ethiopia’s own economic transformation. As the country seeks greater export capacity, investment and industrial development, diplomacy increasingly becomes an economic instrument. The embassy is no longer only a political bridge; it is increasingly part of the economic bridge. Regional Diplomacy Under Strategic Pressure Ethiopia’s geographic position makes regional diplomacy unavoidable. The country sits at the intersection of the Horn of Africa, the Nile Basin and the Red Sea, where security, trade, migration, infrastructure and political interests overlap. The Ankara Declaration with Somalia in December 2024 demonstrated the role of dialogue in addressing difficult regional questions. Ethiopia and Somalia reaffirmed respect for each other’s sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity and agreed to pursue cooperation toward shared prosperity. The significance extends beyond one declaration. It illustrates Ethiopia’s attempt to keep contentious regional questions within diplomatic channels while pursuing its strategic and economic interests. From Conflict Management to African Diplomacy Pretoria put Ethiopia at the center of one of Africa’s most consequential peace efforts. But even under the scrutiny of African and international mediators, the TPLF repeatedly came under fire for actions that threatened to undermine the commitments of the agreement—exposing the difficult path from a signed peace deal to durable stability. The broader lesson is that Ethiopia’s diplomatic weight is not derived only from its size or geographic position. It also comes from its role in continental institutions. Addis Ababa hosts the African Union headquarters, making the city a permanent meeting point for African leaders, diplomats and international organizations. That institutional position gives Ethiopia a distinctive platform from which to engage debates on peace, security, development and continental integration. A Seat at the Global Table Ethiopia’s election to the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025–2027 term further expanded its multilateral presence. The UN General Assembly elected Ethiopia among 18 members on October 9, 2024; the Council consists of 47 states. Such positions provide Ethiopia with additional opportunities to participate directly in international policymaking and multilateral diplomacy. The significance is therefore not simply symbolic. Representation creates another diplomatic channel through which Ethiopia can present its positions, negotiate interests and participate in shaping international discussions. The WTO Door Is Opening Wider Ethiopia’s long-running WTO accession process has also regained momentum. The WTO said in September 2025 that the process had entered a “decisive phase.” By April 2026, the organization described the negotiations as having reached a “decisive juncture,” with Ethiopia reporting further domestic reforms and continued engagement with WTO members. The accession process matters because it connects diplomacy directly to the structure of Ethiopia’s economy. Joining the multilateral trading system would deepen Ethiopia’s engagement with global markets while requiring continued reforms to trade-related institutions and regulations. In this sense, WTO diplomacy is not simply about Geneva.It is about transforming how Ethiopia trades with the world. The Red Sea Enters the Diplomatic Equation Few issues demonstrate the changing character of Ethiopian diplomacy more clearly than the Red Sea. For a landlocked country whose economy depends heavily on maritime trade, developments around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb have direct economic and strategic consequences. Maritime connectivity has consequently moved higher on Ethiopia’s diplomatic agenda. The issue intersects with trade, logistics, regional security and economic integration, bringing Ethiopia into discussions that extend well beyond its borders. The Red Sea question therefore illustrates the central feature of Ethiopia’s evolving diplomacy: national economic interests and regional strategy are becoming increasingly intertwined. A Wider Circle of Partners Ethiopia’s engagement with China, India, Russia, the United States, European countries and Gulf states has developed alongside its relationships with African neighbors and its participation in BRICS. The objective is not necessarily to choose one geopolitical camp. It is to expand Ethiopia’s room for diplomatic and economic engagement. That wider network gives Addis Ababa more channels for cooperation in investment, infrastructure, trade, technology, security and development. The result is a foreign policy increasingly built around multiple partnerships rather than a single diplomatic axis. The Real Test Begins Now Yet diplomatic expansion is not an end in itself. The coming years will determine whether Ethiopia can convert diplomatic access into concrete economic opportunities, stronger regional connectivity, expanded investment, deeper trade and durable partnerships. Memberships, declarations, elections and summits create platforms. What matters next is what Ethiopia builds on those platforms. The past eight years have nevertheless marked a notable expansion of Ethiopia’s diplomatic reach. BRICS has opened another global platform. The Human Rights Council has strengthened its multilateral presence. Pretoria demonstrated the potential of African-led diplomacy. Ankara created a framework for renewed engagement with Somalia. WTO negotiations have gained fresh momentum. Economic diplomacy has become increasingly central to foreign policy, while the Red Sea has emerged as a strategic priority. Consequently, these developments point to a broader transformation. Ethiopia is no longer approaching diplomacy simply as a means of maintaining relationships. It is increasingly using diplomacy to pursue markets, partnerships, connectivity, security and national development. From the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa to the BRICS table, from regional peace initiatives to global trade negotiations, Ethiopia’s diplomatic map has expanded considerably. The next chapter will be defined not by how many doors Ethiopia has opened, but by how effectively it turns those openings into lasting national and regional gains.
Ethiopia and the Red Sea: The Inevitable Return to a Historic Connection
Sep 27, 2026 1530
By Neway Abay S. Ethiopia has never truly been a stranger to the Red Sea. Long before modern borders redrew the map of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopian civilization was connected to the Red Sea through trade, diplomacy and coastal gateways linking the highlands with Arabia, the Mediterranean and the wider Indian Ocean world. That historic connection was eventually severed. But geography was not. Today, Ethiopia is a country of more than 130 million people, one of Africa’s largest economies and a major economic center in the Horn of Africa—yet it remains without a coastline. For decades, its international trade has depended heavily on neighboring ports, particularly Djibouti. The World Bank continues to describe Djibouti as Ethiopia’s primary maritime gateway, while recent assessments underline how disruptions along the corridor can translate directly into higher logistics costs and economic pressure inside Ethiopia. That reality has turned maritime access from a historical question into a contemporary economic, security and strategic one. Geography Cannot Be Negotiated Away Ethiopia’s loss of direct access to the sea did not erase its geographic position. The country remains at the center of the Horn of Africa, immediately adjoining one of the world’s most consequential maritime regions. The Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and Bab el-Mandeb connect Africa with the Middle East, Asia and Europe and disruptions there can reverberate through global trade, energy markets and supply chains. For Ethiopia, the consequences are particularly direct.   A landlocked economy of this scale cannot treat maritime connectivity as a peripheral concern. Every container entering or leaving the country ultimately depends on a corridor connecting the interior to the coast. The current system has created an important economic relationship with Djibouti, but it has also exposed the structural vulnerability of relying overwhelmingly on a single maritime gateway. The Addis-Djibouti corridor remains vital to Ethiopian trade, while the World Bank notes that disruptions and inefficiencies along the wider logistics chain can affect businesses and consumers. The question, therefore, is no longer whether Ethiopia is interested in the sea. It is how a country of Ethiopia’s demographic and economic weight can build reliable, diversified and sustainable maritime connectivity. Most importantly, the rapidly shifting political and military dynamics in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa have made sovereign sea access not merely desirable for Ethiopia, but increasingly unavoidable. The Red Sea Is No Longer Just a Trade Route The strategic importance of the Red Sea has become impossible to ignore. The Bab el-Mandeb is a critical maritime chokepoint. Recent disruptions have demonstrated how quickly insecurity at sea can become an economic problem on land, raising freight costs, extending shipping times and disrupting supply chains. UN Trade and Development has recently warned that renewed disruptions around Bab el-Mandeb are creating longer routes, higher fuel consumption, greater costs and additional pressure on global trade. For Ethiopia, this creates a striking paradox. Although the country has no coastline, instability along the Red Sea can affect its economy directly.   Ethiopia therefore has a substantial stake in the security of a maritime space in which it currently has limited direct presence. This is why the Red Sea question cannot be reduced to the search for a port. It is about connectivity, economic security and regional stability. From a Port to a Corridor Ethiopia’s maritime ambition makes greater sense when viewed not as a search for a single coastal facility, but as part of a much larger economic corridor. A functioning maritime connection would link the coast to Ethiopia’s roads, railways, dry ports, industrial parks, agricultural production centers and consumer markets. The objective would not simply be to move containers andiIt would be to move an economy. That distinction matters. A port without an efficient inland network is only a point on a map. A port connected to production, manufacturing, agriculture and regional markets becomes an engine of economic integration. Ethiopia’s experience with the Djibouti corridor already demonstrates the importance of this wider system. The World Bank’s recent work on Modjo Dry Port, for example, highlights how improvements in inland logistics can reduce processing delays and strengthen Ethiopia’s links to international markets. The next stage of Ethiopia’s maritime thinking can therefore be understood as the search for multiple corridors, multiple gateways and greater resilience. Economic Security Is Maritime Security The Red Sea has also exposed another reality: maritime security and economic security are increasingly inseparable. When shipping routes are threatened, insurance costs rise. When vessels divert around dangerous waters, delivery times increase. When freight costs rise, the consequences eventually reach factories, farmers, traders and households far from the coastline.   Ethiopia does not need to be a coastal country to experience these consequences. Indeed, its landlocked position makes reliable maritime access even more important. A diversified maritime strategy could give Ethiopia greater resilience against disruptions while creating additional opportunities for trade, investment and industrial development. It could also strengthen the economic interests that Ethiopia shares with its coastal neighbors. A Return to the Sea Need Not Mean a Return to Rivalry There is another dimension to Ethiopia’s maritime question that deserves greater attention. Access to the sea does not necessarily have to become another source of regional competition. It can become an instrument of regional integration. A port serving Ethiopian trade can generate business for a coastal state. A road or railway linking the interior to the coast can connect multiple economies. Industrial and logistics zones can create jobs and investment on both sides of a border. In that sense, Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations can be framed not simply as a national demand, but as part of a broader Horn of Africa economic equation. The region has spent decades treating geography as a source of strategic rivalry. It can also treat geography as an opportunity for integration. Ethiopia’s Maritime Question Is Growing, Not Fading Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly underscored that Ethiopia’s desire for sea access in terms of geography, economic necessity, dialogue and mutually beneficial cooperation rather than military expansion. The Ethiopian government has stated that the country’s demographic and economic scale makes dependable maritime connectivity an important national interest. That argument sits within a broader reality. Ethiopia is not the same country it was three decades ago. Its population and economy have expanded. Its trade ambitions have grown. Its industrial and agricultural production is becoming more integrated with international markets. And its exposure to disruptions along global shipping routes is increasing. The maritime question will therefore become more—not less—important as Ethiopia’s economy expands. The revival of attention to maritime affairs, including the re-establishment of the Ethiopian Navy in 2018, reflects this broader strategic shift. But the ultimate objective need not be the projection of power. It can be the protection of economic interests, participation in regional maritime security and the creation of durable commercial links between the Ethiopian interior and the global economy. The Geography of the Future The central fact remains remarkably simple: Ethiopia’s landlocked status is a historical tragedy shaped by external forces and political decisions made during a turbulent period—decisions that profoundly altered the country’s relationship with the sea. Yet the giant nation has never truly been disconnected from the Red Sea. Its economy depends on maritime trade. Its security environment is shaped by the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb. Its geographic position places it at the heart of the Horn of Africa. And its growing population and economy make dependable access to international trade routes increasingly consequential. The challenge, therefore, is not to recreate history exactly as it was. It is to build a new relationship with the sea suited to the realities of the 21st century. That means ports—but also corridors. It means trade—but also security. It means national interest—but also regional cooperation.   And above all, it means recognizing that the Red Sea is not a distant body of water separated from Ethiopia by political boundaries. It is part of the strategic geography in which Ethiopia’s future is being shaped. For a country whose civilization has been connected to the Red Sea for centuries, the renewed search for maritime connectivity is not simply a journey backward into history. It is Ethiopia looking toward the future and back toward the sea.
Ethiopia, India Orthodox Churches Spiritually Very Near, Says Patriarch Baselios Marthoma Mathews III
Sep 26, 2026 4898
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia and India are geographically distant, but our churches are spiritually very near, with their Orthodox churches united by a common apostolic faith, Patriarch of the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church of India, His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III, said. Speaking at the Demera celebration in Addis Ababa today, the Patriarch said the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church belong to the family of Oriental Orthodox Churches and share a spiritual heritage shaped by the Eucharist, fasting, prayer, asceticism, the communion of saints and the cross of Christ.   “Our nations are geographically distant, but our churches are spiritually very near,” he noted, emphasizing that the bond between the two churches is rooted not primarily in diplomacy or institutional relations, but in their common apostolic faith. His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III said the relationship between the two churches has developed through decades of visits, theological cooperation and exchanges, recalling the 1965 gathering of heads of Oriental Orthodox Churches in Addis Ababa as a significant milestone in the history of their fellowship. He also highlighted the contributions of theologians and clergy from the Malankara Orthodox Church to theological education and fellowship in Ethiopia, as well as reciprocal visits by the heads of the two churches. The Patriarch further recalled that a bilateral agreement between the two churches was formally signed during the 2017 Meskel celebration in Ethiopia, describing the occasion as a significant expression of their historic friendship and shared apostolic inheritance.   According to him, Meskel’s inscription on UNESCO’s List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity appropriately recognizes its role in bringing together people across communities and generations while fostering reconciliation, social cohesion and peaceful coexistence. For Orthodox Christians, the Patriarch said, Meskel represents more than cultural heritage, describing it as “living faith” and worship centered on Christ. This celebration demonstrates the unifying and reconciling message of the cross, which brings people together and directs them toward God and one another, he added. “The cross gathers us. The cross reconciles us.” His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III concluded: “For us Orthodox Christians, Meskel is still more. Before it is cultural heritage, it is living faith. Before it is spectacle, it is worship. Before it belongs to history, it belongs to Christ.”
Ethiopian Orthodox Patriarch Calls for National Peace Through Unity, Reconciliation
Sep 26, 2026 3927
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, His Holiness Abune Mathias, has called on Ethiopians to work earnestly for comprehensive national peace by overcoming obstacles to unity and progress with patience and foresight. In his fatherly message delivered during the Meskel Demera celebration at Meskel Square in Addis Ababa, Abune Mathias stressed the importance of unity, progress and a shared commitment to reconciliation. “The primary message of the Cross is to establish peace and unity, forgiveness and reconciliation, as well as love and harmony among all mankind,” Abune Mathias said.   He urged Ethiopians to confront challenges that hinder national unity and progress with patience and farsightedness, stressing the need for sustained efforts to achieve lasting peace and unity across the country. The Patriarch said the message of Meskel and the Cross carries a universal call for peace, forgiveness, reconciliation and harmony, the Patriarch described as essential to Ethiopia’s pursuit of national unity and peaceful coexistence. The Demera ceremony was colorfully celebrated at Meskel Square, bringing together Holy Bishops, senior government officials, foreign ambassadors and diplomats, international visitors, church followers and members of the wider community.   The celebration placed Ethiopia’s centuries-old religious and cultural heritage at the center of a powerful message of peace, unity and reconciliation.
Featured
Ethiopia’s Diplomatic Momentum—From Regional Weight to Global Reach
Sep 27, 2026 920
By Staff Writer Sept. 27, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia’s diplomacy is entering a new era—less confined to traditional political relations and increasingly driven by economic interests, strategic partnerships and a wider global footprint. Over the past eight years, Ethiopia has significantly broadened the arenas in which it engages the world. From Addis Ababa’s role as the diplomatic capital of Africa to its entry into BRICS, from the Pretoria peace process to the Ankara Declaration, from renewed WTO negotiations to a seat on the UN Human Rights Council, Ethiopia has expanded the platforms through which it seeks to shape regional and international affairs. The story is not about one diplomatic breakthrough. It is about the widening of Ethiopia’s diplomatic space. From Addis Ababa to BRICS One of the clearest symbols of this expansion is Ethiopia’s entry into BRICS. At the Johannesburg Summit in August 2023, BRICS leaders invited Ethiopia to become a full member, with membership taking effect on January 1, 2024. For Addis Ababa, BRICS opened another channel to engage major emerging economies and participate in discussions spanning politics and security, economic and financial cooperation, and people-to-people relations. More importantly, the move reflected a broader diplomatic strategy: diversification. Ethiopia has sought to deepen relations simultaneously with African partners, emerging economies, Western countries, Gulf states and Asian powers rather than allowing its international engagement to depend on a narrow circle of partners. Diplomacy With an Economic Purpose Perhaps the most important change has been the growing weight of economic diplomacy. Foreign policy is increasingly being connected to investment, trade, tourism, technology, infrastructure and market access. Diplomatic missions are expected not only to represent Ethiopia politically, but also to help connect the country with capital, markets and commercial opportunities. That shift mirrors Ethiopia’s own economic transformation. As the country seeks greater export capacity, investment and industrial development, diplomacy increasingly becomes an economic instrument. The embassy is no longer only a political bridge; it is increasingly part of the economic bridge. Regional Diplomacy Under Strategic Pressure Ethiopia’s geographic position makes regional diplomacy unavoidable. The country sits at the intersection of the Horn of Africa, the Nile Basin and the Red Sea, where security, trade, migration, infrastructure and political interests overlap. The Ankara Declaration with Somalia in December 2024 demonstrated the role of dialogue in addressing difficult regional questions. Ethiopia and Somalia reaffirmed respect for each other’s sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity and agreed to pursue cooperation toward shared prosperity. The significance extends beyond one declaration. It illustrates Ethiopia’s attempt to keep contentious regional questions within diplomatic channels while pursuing its strategic and economic interests. From Conflict Management to African Diplomacy Pretoria put Ethiopia at the center of one of Africa’s most consequential peace efforts. But even under the scrutiny of African and international mediators, the TPLF repeatedly came under fire for actions that threatened to undermine the commitments of the agreement—exposing the difficult path from a signed peace deal to durable stability. The broader lesson is that Ethiopia’s diplomatic weight is not derived only from its size or geographic position. It also comes from its role in continental institutions. Addis Ababa hosts the African Union headquarters, making the city a permanent meeting point for African leaders, diplomats and international organizations. That institutional position gives Ethiopia a distinctive platform from which to engage debates on peace, security, development and continental integration. A Seat at the Global Table Ethiopia’s election to the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025–2027 term further expanded its multilateral presence. The UN General Assembly elected Ethiopia among 18 members on October 9, 2024; the Council consists of 47 states. Such positions provide Ethiopia with additional opportunities to participate directly in international policymaking and multilateral diplomacy. The significance is therefore not simply symbolic. Representation creates another diplomatic channel through which Ethiopia can present its positions, negotiate interests and participate in shaping international discussions. The WTO Door Is Opening Wider Ethiopia’s long-running WTO accession process has also regained momentum. The WTO said in September 2025 that the process had entered a “decisive phase.” By April 2026, the organization described the negotiations as having reached a “decisive juncture,” with Ethiopia reporting further domestic reforms and continued engagement with WTO members. The accession process matters because it connects diplomacy directly to the structure of Ethiopia’s economy. Joining the multilateral trading system would deepen Ethiopia’s engagement with global markets while requiring continued reforms to trade-related institutions and regulations. In this sense, WTO diplomacy is not simply about Geneva.It is about transforming how Ethiopia trades with the world. The Red Sea Enters the Diplomatic Equation Few issues demonstrate the changing character of Ethiopian diplomacy more clearly than the Red Sea. For a landlocked country whose economy depends heavily on maritime trade, developments around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb have direct economic and strategic consequences. Maritime connectivity has consequently moved higher on Ethiopia’s diplomatic agenda. The issue intersects with trade, logistics, regional security and economic integration, bringing Ethiopia into discussions that extend well beyond its borders. The Red Sea question therefore illustrates the central feature of Ethiopia’s evolving diplomacy: national economic interests and regional strategy are becoming increasingly intertwined. A Wider Circle of Partners Ethiopia’s engagement with China, India, Russia, the United States, European countries and Gulf states has developed alongside its relationships with African neighbors and its participation in BRICS. The objective is not necessarily to choose one geopolitical camp. It is to expand Ethiopia’s room for diplomatic and economic engagement. That wider network gives Addis Ababa more channels for cooperation in investment, infrastructure, trade, technology, security and development. The result is a foreign policy increasingly built around multiple partnerships rather than a single diplomatic axis. The Real Test Begins Now Yet diplomatic expansion is not an end in itself. The coming years will determine whether Ethiopia can convert diplomatic access into concrete economic opportunities, stronger regional connectivity, expanded investment, deeper trade and durable partnerships. Memberships, declarations, elections and summits create platforms. What matters next is what Ethiopia builds on those platforms. The past eight years have nevertheless marked a notable expansion of Ethiopia’s diplomatic reach. BRICS has opened another global platform. The Human Rights Council has strengthened its multilateral presence. Pretoria demonstrated the potential of African-led diplomacy. Ankara created a framework for renewed engagement with Somalia. WTO negotiations have gained fresh momentum. Economic diplomacy has become increasingly central to foreign policy, while the Red Sea has emerged as a strategic priority. Consequently, these developments point to a broader transformation. Ethiopia is no longer approaching diplomacy simply as a means of maintaining relationships. It is increasingly using diplomacy to pursue markets, partnerships, connectivity, security and national development. From the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa to the BRICS table, from regional peace initiatives to global trade negotiations, Ethiopia’s diplomatic map has expanded considerably. The next chapter will be defined not by how many doors Ethiopia has opened, but by how effectively it turns those openings into lasting national and regional gains.
Ethiopia and the Red Sea: The Inevitable Return to a Historic Connection
Sep 27, 2026 1530
By Neway Abay S. Ethiopia has never truly been a stranger to the Red Sea. Long before modern borders redrew the map of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopian civilization was connected to the Red Sea through trade, diplomacy and coastal gateways linking the highlands with Arabia, the Mediterranean and the wider Indian Ocean world. That historic connection was eventually severed. But geography was not. Today, Ethiopia is a country of more than 130 million people, one of Africa’s largest economies and a major economic center in the Horn of Africa—yet it remains without a coastline. For decades, its international trade has depended heavily on neighboring ports, particularly Djibouti. The World Bank continues to describe Djibouti as Ethiopia’s primary maritime gateway, while recent assessments underline how disruptions along the corridor can translate directly into higher logistics costs and economic pressure inside Ethiopia. That reality has turned maritime access from a historical question into a contemporary economic, security and strategic one. Geography Cannot Be Negotiated Away Ethiopia’s loss of direct access to the sea did not erase its geographic position. The country remains at the center of the Horn of Africa, immediately adjoining one of the world’s most consequential maritime regions. The Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and Bab el-Mandeb connect Africa with the Middle East, Asia and Europe and disruptions there can reverberate through global trade, energy markets and supply chains. For Ethiopia, the consequences are particularly direct.   A landlocked economy of this scale cannot treat maritime connectivity as a peripheral concern. Every container entering or leaving the country ultimately depends on a corridor connecting the interior to the coast. The current system has created an important economic relationship with Djibouti, but it has also exposed the structural vulnerability of relying overwhelmingly on a single maritime gateway. The Addis-Djibouti corridor remains vital to Ethiopian trade, while the World Bank notes that disruptions and inefficiencies along the wider logistics chain can affect businesses and consumers. The question, therefore, is no longer whether Ethiopia is interested in the sea. It is how a country of Ethiopia’s demographic and economic weight can build reliable, diversified and sustainable maritime connectivity. Most importantly, the rapidly shifting political and military dynamics in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa have made sovereign sea access not merely desirable for Ethiopia, but increasingly unavoidable. The Red Sea Is No Longer Just a Trade Route The strategic importance of the Red Sea has become impossible to ignore. The Bab el-Mandeb is a critical maritime chokepoint. Recent disruptions have demonstrated how quickly insecurity at sea can become an economic problem on land, raising freight costs, extending shipping times and disrupting supply chains. UN Trade and Development has recently warned that renewed disruptions around Bab el-Mandeb are creating longer routes, higher fuel consumption, greater costs and additional pressure on global trade. For Ethiopia, this creates a striking paradox. Although the country has no coastline, instability along the Red Sea can affect its economy directly.   Ethiopia therefore has a substantial stake in the security of a maritime space in which it currently has limited direct presence. This is why the Red Sea question cannot be reduced to the search for a port. It is about connectivity, economic security and regional stability. From a Port to a Corridor Ethiopia’s maritime ambition makes greater sense when viewed not as a search for a single coastal facility, but as part of a much larger economic corridor. A functioning maritime connection would link the coast to Ethiopia’s roads, railways, dry ports, industrial parks, agricultural production centers and consumer markets. The objective would not simply be to move containers andiIt would be to move an economy. That distinction matters. A port without an efficient inland network is only a point on a map. A port connected to production, manufacturing, agriculture and regional markets becomes an engine of economic integration. Ethiopia’s experience with the Djibouti corridor already demonstrates the importance of this wider system. The World Bank’s recent work on Modjo Dry Port, for example, highlights how improvements in inland logistics can reduce processing delays and strengthen Ethiopia’s links to international markets. The next stage of Ethiopia’s maritime thinking can therefore be understood as the search for multiple corridors, multiple gateways and greater resilience. Economic Security Is Maritime Security The Red Sea has also exposed another reality: maritime security and economic security are increasingly inseparable. When shipping routes are threatened, insurance costs rise. When vessels divert around dangerous waters, delivery times increase. When freight costs rise, the consequences eventually reach factories, farmers, traders and households far from the coastline.   Ethiopia does not need to be a coastal country to experience these consequences. Indeed, its landlocked position makes reliable maritime access even more important. A diversified maritime strategy could give Ethiopia greater resilience against disruptions while creating additional opportunities for trade, investment and industrial development. It could also strengthen the economic interests that Ethiopia shares with its coastal neighbors. A Return to the Sea Need Not Mean a Return to Rivalry There is another dimension to Ethiopia’s maritime question that deserves greater attention. Access to the sea does not necessarily have to become another source of regional competition. It can become an instrument of regional integration. A port serving Ethiopian trade can generate business for a coastal state. A road or railway linking the interior to the coast can connect multiple economies. Industrial and logistics zones can create jobs and investment on both sides of a border. In that sense, Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations can be framed not simply as a national demand, but as part of a broader Horn of Africa economic equation. The region has spent decades treating geography as a source of strategic rivalry. It can also treat geography as an opportunity for integration. Ethiopia’s Maritime Question Is Growing, Not Fading Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly underscored that Ethiopia’s desire for sea access in terms of geography, economic necessity, dialogue and mutually beneficial cooperation rather than military expansion. The Ethiopian government has stated that the country’s demographic and economic scale makes dependable maritime connectivity an important national interest. That argument sits within a broader reality. Ethiopia is not the same country it was three decades ago. Its population and economy have expanded. Its trade ambitions have grown. Its industrial and agricultural production is becoming more integrated with international markets. And its exposure to disruptions along global shipping routes is increasing. The maritime question will therefore become more—not less—important as Ethiopia’s economy expands. The revival of attention to maritime affairs, including the re-establishment of the Ethiopian Navy in 2018, reflects this broader strategic shift. But the ultimate objective need not be the projection of power. It can be the protection of economic interests, participation in regional maritime security and the creation of durable commercial links between the Ethiopian interior and the global economy. The Geography of the Future The central fact remains remarkably simple: Ethiopia’s landlocked status is a historical tragedy shaped by external forces and political decisions made during a turbulent period—decisions that profoundly altered the country’s relationship with the sea. Yet the giant nation has never truly been disconnected from the Red Sea. Its economy depends on maritime trade. Its security environment is shaped by the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb. Its geographic position places it at the heart of the Horn of Africa. And its growing population and economy make dependable access to international trade routes increasingly consequential. The challenge, therefore, is not to recreate history exactly as it was. It is to build a new relationship with the sea suited to the realities of the 21st century. That means ports—but also corridors. It means trade—but also security. It means national interest—but also regional cooperation.   And above all, it means recognizing that the Red Sea is not a distant body of water separated from Ethiopia by political boundaries. It is part of the strategic geography in which Ethiopia’s future is being shaped. For a country whose civilization has been connected to the Red Sea for centuries, the renewed search for maritime connectivity is not simply a journey backward into history. It is Ethiopia looking toward the future and back toward the sea.
Ethiopia, India Orthodox Churches Spiritually Very Near, Says Patriarch Baselios Marthoma Mathews III
Sep 26, 2026 4898
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia and India are geographically distant, but our churches are spiritually very near, with their Orthodox churches united by a common apostolic faith, Patriarch of the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church of India, His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III, said. Speaking at the Demera celebration in Addis Ababa today, the Patriarch said the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church belong to the family of Oriental Orthodox Churches and share a spiritual heritage shaped by the Eucharist, fasting, prayer, asceticism, the communion of saints and the cross of Christ.   “Our nations are geographically distant, but our churches are spiritually very near,” he noted, emphasizing that the bond between the two churches is rooted not primarily in diplomacy or institutional relations, but in their common apostolic faith. His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III said the relationship between the two churches has developed through decades of visits, theological cooperation and exchanges, recalling the 1965 gathering of heads of Oriental Orthodox Churches in Addis Ababa as a significant milestone in the history of their fellowship. He also highlighted the contributions of theologians and clergy from the Malankara Orthodox Church to theological education and fellowship in Ethiopia, as well as reciprocal visits by the heads of the two churches. The Patriarch further recalled that a bilateral agreement between the two churches was formally signed during the 2017 Meskel celebration in Ethiopia, describing the occasion as a significant expression of their historic friendship and shared apostolic inheritance.   According to him, Meskel’s inscription on UNESCO’s List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity appropriately recognizes its role in bringing together people across communities and generations while fostering reconciliation, social cohesion and peaceful coexistence. For Orthodox Christians, the Patriarch said, Meskel represents more than cultural heritage, describing it as “living faith” and worship centered on Christ. This celebration demonstrates the unifying and reconciling message of the cross, which brings people together and directs them toward God and one another, he added. “The cross gathers us. The cross reconciles us.” His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III concluded: “For us Orthodox Christians, Meskel is still more. Before it is cultural heritage, it is living faith. Before it is spectacle, it is worship. Before it belongs to history, it belongs to Christ.”
Ethiopian Orthodox Patriarch Calls for National Peace Through Unity, Reconciliation
Sep 26, 2026 3927
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, His Holiness Abune Mathias, has called on Ethiopians to work earnestly for comprehensive national peace by overcoming obstacles to unity and progress with patience and foresight. In his fatherly message delivered during the Meskel Demera celebration at Meskel Square in Addis Ababa, Abune Mathias stressed the importance of unity, progress and a shared commitment to reconciliation. “The primary message of the Cross is to establish peace and unity, forgiveness and reconciliation, as well as love and harmony among all mankind,” Abune Mathias said.   He urged Ethiopians to confront challenges that hinder national unity and progress with patience and farsightedness, stressing the need for sustained efforts to achieve lasting peace and unity across the country. The Patriarch said the message of Meskel and the Cross carries a universal call for peace, forgiveness, reconciliation and harmony, the Patriarch described as essential to Ethiopia’s pursuit of national unity and peaceful coexistence. The Demera ceremony was colorfully celebrated at Meskel Square, bringing together Holy Bishops, senior government officials, foreign ambassadors and diplomats, international visitors, church followers and members of the wider community.   The celebration placed Ethiopia’s centuries-old religious and cultural heritage at the center of a powerful message of peace, unity and reconciliation.
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Ethiopia’s Diplomatic Momentum—From Regional Weight to Global Reach
Sep 27, 2026 920
By Staff Writer Sept. 27, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia’s diplomacy is entering a new era—less confined to traditional political relations and increasingly driven by economic interests, strategic partnerships and a wider global footprint. Over the past eight years, Ethiopia has significantly broadened the arenas in which it engages the world. From Addis Ababa’s role as the diplomatic capital of Africa to its entry into BRICS, from the Pretoria peace process to the Ankara Declaration, from renewed WTO negotiations to a seat on the UN Human Rights Council, Ethiopia has expanded the platforms through which it seeks to shape regional and international affairs. The story is not about one diplomatic breakthrough. It is about the widening of Ethiopia’s diplomatic space. From Addis Ababa to BRICS One of the clearest symbols of this expansion is Ethiopia’s entry into BRICS. At the Johannesburg Summit in August 2023, BRICS leaders invited Ethiopia to become a full member, with membership taking effect on January 1, 2024. For Addis Ababa, BRICS opened another channel to engage major emerging economies and participate in discussions spanning politics and security, economic and financial cooperation, and people-to-people relations. More importantly, the move reflected a broader diplomatic strategy: diversification. Ethiopia has sought to deepen relations simultaneously with African partners, emerging economies, Western countries, Gulf states and Asian powers rather than allowing its international engagement to depend on a narrow circle of partners. Diplomacy With an Economic Purpose Perhaps the most important change has been the growing weight of economic diplomacy. Foreign policy is increasingly being connected to investment, trade, tourism, technology, infrastructure and market access. Diplomatic missions are expected not only to represent Ethiopia politically, but also to help connect the country with capital, markets and commercial opportunities. That shift mirrors Ethiopia’s own economic transformation. As the country seeks greater export capacity, investment and industrial development, diplomacy increasingly becomes an economic instrument. The embassy is no longer only a political bridge; it is increasingly part of the economic bridge. Regional Diplomacy Under Strategic Pressure Ethiopia’s geographic position makes regional diplomacy unavoidable. The country sits at the intersection of the Horn of Africa, the Nile Basin and the Red Sea, where security, trade, migration, infrastructure and political interests overlap. The Ankara Declaration with Somalia in December 2024 demonstrated the role of dialogue in addressing difficult regional questions. Ethiopia and Somalia reaffirmed respect for each other’s sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity and agreed to pursue cooperation toward shared prosperity. The significance extends beyond one declaration. It illustrates Ethiopia’s attempt to keep contentious regional questions within diplomatic channels while pursuing its strategic and economic interests. From Conflict Management to African Diplomacy Pretoria put Ethiopia at the center of one of Africa’s most consequential peace efforts. But even under the scrutiny of African and international mediators, the TPLF repeatedly came under fire for actions that threatened to undermine the commitments of the agreement—exposing the difficult path from a signed peace deal to durable stability. The broader lesson is that Ethiopia’s diplomatic weight is not derived only from its size or geographic position. It also comes from its role in continental institutions. Addis Ababa hosts the African Union headquarters, making the city a permanent meeting point for African leaders, diplomats and international organizations. That institutional position gives Ethiopia a distinctive platform from which to engage debates on peace, security, development and continental integration. A Seat at the Global Table Ethiopia’s election to the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025–2027 term further expanded its multilateral presence. The UN General Assembly elected Ethiopia among 18 members on October 9, 2024; the Council consists of 47 states. Such positions provide Ethiopia with additional opportunities to participate directly in international policymaking and multilateral diplomacy. The significance is therefore not simply symbolic. Representation creates another diplomatic channel through which Ethiopia can present its positions, negotiate interests and participate in shaping international discussions. The WTO Door Is Opening Wider Ethiopia’s long-running WTO accession process has also regained momentum. The WTO said in September 2025 that the process had entered a “decisive phase.” By April 2026, the organization described the negotiations as having reached a “decisive juncture,” with Ethiopia reporting further domestic reforms and continued engagement with WTO members. The accession process matters because it connects diplomacy directly to the structure of Ethiopia’s economy. Joining the multilateral trading system would deepen Ethiopia’s engagement with global markets while requiring continued reforms to trade-related institutions and regulations. In this sense, WTO diplomacy is not simply about Geneva.It is about transforming how Ethiopia trades with the world. The Red Sea Enters the Diplomatic Equation Few issues demonstrate the changing character of Ethiopian diplomacy more clearly than the Red Sea. For a landlocked country whose economy depends heavily on maritime trade, developments around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb have direct economic and strategic consequences. Maritime connectivity has consequently moved higher on Ethiopia’s diplomatic agenda. The issue intersects with trade, logistics, regional security and economic integration, bringing Ethiopia into discussions that extend well beyond its borders. The Red Sea question therefore illustrates the central feature of Ethiopia’s evolving diplomacy: national economic interests and regional strategy are becoming increasingly intertwined. A Wider Circle of Partners Ethiopia’s engagement with China, India, Russia, the United States, European countries and Gulf states has developed alongside its relationships with African neighbors and its participation in BRICS. The objective is not necessarily to choose one geopolitical camp. It is to expand Ethiopia’s room for diplomatic and economic engagement. That wider network gives Addis Ababa more channels for cooperation in investment, infrastructure, trade, technology, security and development. The result is a foreign policy increasingly built around multiple partnerships rather than a single diplomatic axis. The Real Test Begins Now Yet diplomatic expansion is not an end in itself. The coming years will determine whether Ethiopia can convert diplomatic access into concrete economic opportunities, stronger regional connectivity, expanded investment, deeper trade and durable partnerships. Memberships, declarations, elections and summits create platforms. What matters next is what Ethiopia builds on those platforms. The past eight years have nevertheless marked a notable expansion of Ethiopia’s diplomatic reach. BRICS has opened another global platform. The Human Rights Council has strengthened its multilateral presence. Pretoria demonstrated the potential of African-led diplomacy. Ankara created a framework for renewed engagement with Somalia. WTO negotiations have gained fresh momentum. Economic diplomacy has become increasingly central to foreign policy, while the Red Sea has emerged as a strategic priority. Consequently, these developments point to a broader transformation. Ethiopia is no longer approaching diplomacy simply as a means of maintaining relationships. It is increasingly using diplomacy to pursue markets, partnerships, connectivity, security and national development. From the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa to the BRICS table, from regional peace initiatives to global trade negotiations, Ethiopia’s diplomatic map has expanded considerably. The next chapter will be defined not by how many doors Ethiopia has opened, but by how effectively it turns those openings into lasting national and regional gains.
Ethiopia and the Red Sea: The Inevitable Return to a Historic Connection
Sep 27, 2026 1530
By Neway Abay S. Ethiopia has never truly been a stranger to the Red Sea. Long before modern borders redrew the map of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopian civilization was connected to the Red Sea through trade, diplomacy and coastal gateways linking the highlands with Arabia, the Mediterranean and the wider Indian Ocean world. That historic connection was eventually severed. But geography was not. Today, Ethiopia is a country of more than 130 million people, one of Africa’s largest economies and a major economic center in the Horn of Africa—yet it remains without a coastline. For decades, its international trade has depended heavily on neighboring ports, particularly Djibouti. The World Bank continues to describe Djibouti as Ethiopia’s primary maritime gateway, while recent assessments underline how disruptions along the corridor can translate directly into higher logistics costs and economic pressure inside Ethiopia. That reality has turned maritime access from a historical question into a contemporary economic, security and strategic one. Geography Cannot Be Negotiated Away Ethiopia’s loss of direct access to the sea did not erase its geographic position. The country remains at the center of the Horn of Africa, immediately adjoining one of the world’s most consequential maritime regions. The Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and Bab el-Mandeb connect Africa with the Middle East, Asia and Europe and disruptions there can reverberate through global trade, energy markets and supply chains. For Ethiopia, the consequences are particularly direct.   A landlocked economy of this scale cannot treat maritime connectivity as a peripheral concern. Every container entering or leaving the country ultimately depends on a corridor connecting the interior to the coast. The current system has created an important economic relationship with Djibouti, but it has also exposed the structural vulnerability of relying overwhelmingly on a single maritime gateway. The Addis-Djibouti corridor remains vital to Ethiopian trade, while the World Bank notes that disruptions and inefficiencies along the wider logistics chain can affect businesses and consumers. The question, therefore, is no longer whether Ethiopia is interested in the sea. It is how a country of Ethiopia’s demographic and economic weight can build reliable, diversified and sustainable maritime connectivity. Most importantly, the rapidly shifting political and military dynamics in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa have made sovereign sea access not merely desirable for Ethiopia, but increasingly unavoidable. The Red Sea Is No Longer Just a Trade Route The strategic importance of the Red Sea has become impossible to ignore. The Bab el-Mandeb is a critical maritime chokepoint. Recent disruptions have demonstrated how quickly insecurity at sea can become an economic problem on land, raising freight costs, extending shipping times and disrupting supply chains. UN Trade and Development has recently warned that renewed disruptions around Bab el-Mandeb are creating longer routes, higher fuel consumption, greater costs and additional pressure on global trade. For Ethiopia, this creates a striking paradox. Although the country has no coastline, instability along the Red Sea can affect its economy directly.   Ethiopia therefore has a substantial stake in the security of a maritime space in which it currently has limited direct presence. This is why the Red Sea question cannot be reduced to the search for a port. It is about connectivity, economic security and regional stability. From a Port to a Corridor Ethiopia’s maritime ambition makes greater sense when viewed not as a search for a single coastal facility, but as part of a much larger economic corridor. A functioning maritime connection would link the coast to Ethiopia’s roads, railways, dry ports, industrial parks, agricultural production centers and consumer markets. The objective would not simply be to move containers andiIt would be to move an economy. That distinction matters. A port without an efficient inland network is only a point on a map. A port connected to production, manufacturing, agriculture and regional markets becomes an engine of economic integration. Ethiopia’s experience with the Djibouti corridor already demonstrates the importance of this wider system. The World Bank’s recent work on Modjo Dry Port, for example, highlights how improvements in inland logistics can reduce processing delays and strengthen Ethiopia’s links to international markets. The next stage of Ethiopia’s maritime thinking can therefore be understood as the search for multiple corridors, multiple gateways and greater resilience. Economic Security Is Maritime Security The Red Sea has also exposed another reality: maritime security and economic security are increasingly inseparable. When shipping routes are threatened, insurance costs rise. When vessels divert around dangerous waters, delivery times increase. When freight costs rise, the consequences eventually reach factories, farmers, traders and households far from the coastline.   Ethiopia does not need to be a coastal country to experience these consequences. Indeed, its landlocked position makes reliable maritime access even more important. A diversified maritime strategy could give Ethiopia greater resilience against disruptions while creating additional opportunities for trade, investment and industrial development. It could also strengthen the economic interests that Ethiopia shares with its coastal neighbors. A Return to the Sea Need Not Mean a Return to Rivalry There is another dimension to Ethiopia’s maritime question that deserves greater attention. Access to the sea does not necessarily have to become another source of regional competition. It can become an instrument of regional integration. A port serving Ethiopian trade can generate business for a coastal state. A road or railway linking the interior to the coast can connect multiple economies. Industrial and logistics zones can create jobs and investment on both sides of a border. In that sense, Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations can be framed not simply as a national demand, but as part of a broader Horn of Africa economic equation. The region has spent decades treating geography as a source of strategic rivalry. It can also treat geography as an opportunity for integration. Ethiopia’s Maritime Question Is Growing, Not Fading Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly underscored that Ethiopia’s desire for sea access in terms of geography, economic necessity, dialogue and mutually beneficial cooperation rather than military expansion. The Ethiopian government has stated that the country’s demographic and economic scale makes dependable maritime connectivity an important national interest. That argument sits within a broader reality. Ethiopia is not the same country it was three decades ago. Its population and economy have expanded. Its trade ambitions have grown. Its industrial and agricultural production is becoming more integrated with international markets. And its exposure to disruptions along global shipping routes is increasing. The maritime question will therefore become more—not less—important as Ethiopia’s economy expands. The revival of attention to maritime affairs, including the re-establishment of the Ethiopian Navy in 2018, reflects this broader strategic shift. But the ultimate objective need not be the projection of power. It can be the protection of economic interests, participation in regional maritime security and the creation of durable commercial links between the Ethiopian interior and the global economy. The Geography of the Future The central fact remains remarkably simple: Ethiopia’s landlocked status is a historical tragedy shaped by external forces and political decisions made during a turbulent period—decisions that profoundly altered the country’s relationship with the sea. Yet the giant nation has never truly been disconnected from the Red Sea. Its economy depends on maritime trade. Its security environment is shaped by the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb. Its geographic position places it at the heart of the Horn of Africa. And its growing population and economy make dependable access to international trade routes increasingly consequential. The challenge, therefore, is not to recreate history exactly as it was. It is to build a new relationship with the sea suited to the realities of the 21st century. That means ports—but also corridors. It means trade—but also security. It means national interest—but also regional cooperation.   And above all, it means recognizing that the Red Sea is not a distant body of water separated from Ethiopia by political boundaries. It is part of the strategic geography in which Ethiopia’s future is being shaped. For a country whose civilization has been connected to the Red Sea for centuries, the renewed search for maritime connectivity is not simply a journey backward into history. It is Ethiopia looking toward the future and back toward the sea.
Ethiopia’s BRICS Membership Unlocking New Economic Opportunities, Says FAI Researcher
Sep 26, 2026 7365
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s BRICS membership is opening new opportunities across various sectors, Senior Researcher at the Foreign Affairs Institute (FAI) Himanot Eshetu told ENA. Himanot emphasized that Ethiopia’s BRICS membership is gaining momentum, creating greater leverage to strengthen economic partnerships, attract investment, diversify development financing, and advance its national interests globally. Ethiopia's active engagement with major emerging economies, coupled with its participation in high-level discussions concerning global economic and geopolitical issues, renders its BRICS membership profoundly strategic, she added. “BRICS is not just an economic grouping. Especially for Ethiopia, it is an additional platform for diplomatic engagement,” she said. The platform also enables Ethiopia to advance its national interests while championing African priorities across critical sectors, including global finance, technology, trade, sustainable development, and security. A major advantage of this membership is access to the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB), which Himanot noted will significantly expand funding for infrastructure and sustainable development.   The country can successfully diversify its development finance sources as the bank’s financing goals align closely with Ethiopia's national needs. “If we have more sources of finance, Ethiopia will get an opportunity and flexibility to implement its development priorities,” she said, emphasizing that NDB funding is meant to complement, rather than replace, existing partnerships. Since joining the bloc in 2024, Ethiopia has actively engaged in BRICS initiatives, ranging from heads of state summits and ministerial meetings to expert-level discussions and working groups. Beyond finance, Himanot highlighted the potential to connect with major emerging markets, expanding trade and investment horizons. To capitalize on these prospects, she stressed the importance of promoting competitive domestic sectors, such as agriculture, agro-processing, textile manufacturing, energy, tourism, and mining. Furthermore, the platform offers an avenue to deepen economic cooperation and advocate for the broader interests of the Global South. Ultimately, Himanot concluded, maximizing these benefits will require coordinated institutional engagement, a sharp focus on tangible economic outcomes, and proactive promotion of Ethiopia's trade and investment potential.
Ethiopia’s Rising Strategic Weight in the Horn and Red Sea
Sep 25, 2026 11503
By Staff Writer As geopolitical and politico-military dynamics reshape the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea corridor, Ethiopia’s economic weight, strategic location and expanding regional engagement continue to make it a central actor in the region’s evolving balance. Ethiopia is undergoing a transformation that reaches far beyond economic growth. Across its economy, cities, digital infrastructure, environmental restoration, tourism, investment, energy and regional connectivity, the country is pursuing a broad development agenda aimed at reshaping its domestic foundations while expanding its role in the Horn of Africa and the wider continent. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the government has placed economic reform, infrastructure development, digitalization, environmental restoration and regional integration at the heart of its development strategy. The transformation is unfolding against a complicated geopolitical backdrop. The Horn of Africa and the Red Sea corridor have become increasingly important arenas for global trade, maritime security, strategic competition and shifting political alignments. Conflicts and political transitions in neighboring countries, competition over strategic ports and shipping routes, and the growing involvement of external powers have further elevated the region's geopolitical importance. In that changing environment, Ethiopia’s sheer demographic and economic weight, geographic position and expanding infrastructure make its trajectory consequential well beyond its borders. The question is therefore not simply how rapidly Ethiopia is growing. It is how the country's economic transformation, technological modernization, environmental agenda and search for deeper regional connectivity could reshape its position in a strategically vital part of Africa. Growth as the Foundation of Transformation Ethiopia’s economic reform program has become one of the central pillars of this transformation. The government has pursued a series of macroeconomic and structural reforms under the Homegrown Economic Reform agenda, seeking to move the economy toward greater private-sector participation, stronger exports, increased investment and a more market-oriented system. The government projects economic growth of around 10.2 percent for the current Ethiopian fiscal year, placing Ethiopia among the world's fastest-growing economies. Behind the headline figure is a broader structural effort. Infrastructure investment, agriculture, manufacturing, services, trade and construction are increasingly interconnected within a development strategy designed to expand productive capacity and create new economic opportunities. The reform process has also sought to address longstanding macroeconomic challenges, including foreign-exchange shortages, inflationary pressures and limited private-sector participation. The significance of the reforms lies not only in short-term growth, but in the attempt to change the underlying architecture of the economy. Ethiopia is seeking to move from a predominantly state-led economic model toward one in which private investment, competition and market mechanisms play a larger role. This represents one of the most consequential economic shifts in the country's recent history. Cities as Engines of a New Ethiopia The transformation is perhaps most visible in Ethiopia’s cities. What began as a major corridor-development program in Addis Ababa has evolved into a broader urban-development drive extending to cities across the country. The initiative combines road and transport infrastructure with pedestrian corridors, public spaces, greenery, recreational facilities and other urban improvements. Addis Ababa has become the most visible expression of this transformation. The capital is simultaneously Ethiopia’s political center, a diplomatic hub hosting the African Union and numerous international institutions, and an increasingly important commercial and investment center. The broader objective is to create cities capable of supporting a rapidly growing population and an expanding economy. Urban development is consequently being treated not simply as beautification, but as an economic and social infrastructure strategy. The Digital Leap Another defining feature of Ethiopia’s transformation is the rapid expansion of its digital economy. For decades, many public and financial services depended heavily on physical documents, face-to-face transactions and cash. That is changing. Digital public services, mobile money, electronic payments and national digital identification are increasingly becoming part of everyday economic and administrative life. The government's Mesob one-stop digital service initiative represents this shift toward integrated public services, bringing multiple services together through digital platforms and expanding access beyond the capital. At the foundation of this emerging ecosystem is Fayda, Ethiopia’s national digital identification system. A reliable digital identity can support access to financial services, social protection, government services and a growing range of digital applications. Meanwhile, mobile-money adoption has expanded rapidly. More than 58 million Ethiopians are reported to be using mobile-money services, while digital payments have recorded significant increases. The importance of this transformation goes beyond convenience. Digitalization can reduce transaction costs, widen financial inclusion, improve access to government services and create new opportunities for businesses and citizens. For a country of Ethiopia’s size, that represents a potentially significant change in the relationship between the state, the economy and its citizens. Investment and Tourism: Unlocking Untapped Potential Ethiopia’s economic transformation is also increasingly linked to investment and tourism. The country combines a large domestic market, a young population, substantial agricultural potential, a strategic geographic location, unique cultural heritage and diverse natural landscapes. Government initiatives have sought to turn those assets into economic opportunities. Projects associated with Dine for Sheger, Dine for Nation and Dine for Generation have contributed to a broader effort to develop urban tourism, hospitality, recreation and cultural destinations. Ethiopia is simultaneously seeking to expand its tourism offering beyond traditional historical routes by developing natural, cultural and urban destinations. The objective is increasingly clear: tourism is being positioned not merely as a source of foreign exchange, but as part of a wider urban-development, employment and investment strategy. The same logic applies to investment. Economic reforms are intended to create greater space for private capital and international investors while infrastructure expansion seeks to improve the conditions for doing business. The challenge is converting Ethiopia’s enormous potential into sustained investment, competitive exports and productive employment. Green Legacy: Development with an Environmental Dimension Perhaps no initiative better captures Ethiopia’s attempt to connect development with environmental restoration than the Green Legacy Initiative. Launched in 2019, the program has mobilized millions of Ethiopians around large-scale tree planting and environmental rehabilitation. More than 56 billion seedlings have been planted since the initiative began. But the significance of Green Legacy extends beyond the number of seedlings. The initiative increasingly encompasses watershed protection, land rehabilitation, climate resilience, biodiversity and efforts to restore degraded landscapes. It has also become an important component of Ethiopia’s international climate diplomacy. For a developing country facing the effects of climate change while seeking rapid economic growth, the underlying proposition is significant: environmental restoration and economic development do not necessarily have to be competing objectives. Ethiopia is attempting to demonstrate that ecological restoration can itself become part of a national development strategy. Energy and Regional Integration Energy is another area where Ethiopia’s domestic transformation intersects directly with regional ambitions. With more than 95 percent of its electricity generated from renewable sources, Ethiopia is seeking to position itself as an important clean-energy producer in East Africa. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is central to that strategy. Beyond meeting domestic electricity needs, Ethiopia has increasingly emphasized the potential of cross-border electricity trade to support economic integration. Power interconnections with neighboring countries can create new markets for electricity while providing energy-deficient economies with access to renewable power. The broader vision is therefore regional. Ethiopia is seeking to build infrastructure that connects markets rather than simply serving national consumption. Roads, electricity networks, aviation, telecommunications and trade corridors can collectively create a more integrated regional economy. This is where Ethiopia’s development agenda intersects with its regional diplomacy. The Red Sea Quest Few issues demonstrate this intersection more clearly than Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable maritime access. As one of Africa’s most populous countries and a major economy in the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia has repeatedly argued that dependable access to maritime trade routes is important for its long-term economic development and regional integration. The issue has acquired greater significance as the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden have become increasingly important to global trade and maritime security. For Ethiopia, maritime access is fundamentally connected to logistics, trade competitiveness and integration into international markets. For the region, Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations intersect with questions of port infrastructure, shipping routes, security and regional economic cooperation. The challenge is therefore not merely geographic. Ethiopia’s approach has increasingly emphasized diplomatic engagement and negotiated arrangements, while presenting maritime connectivity as part of a broader regional integration agenda. A Strategic Actor in a Changing Region The Horn of Africa is experiencing a period of profound geopolitical change. The Red Sea shipping corridor has become increasingly important to global commerce. Competition over ports and maritime infrastructure has intensified. External powers are expanding their diplomatic, economic and security engagement. At the same time, conflicts and political instability continue to affect the region. Against this backdrop, Ethiopia remains one of the region’s central actors. Its large population, expanding economy, strategic location, military and institutional capacity, diplomatic role and infrastructure ambitions give it considerable regional weight. That does not mean Ethiopia is insulated from regional pressures. Far from it. The country continues to confront complex security, economic and diplomatic challenges, while its development ambitions are sometimes unfolding amid competing regional interests. But Ethiopia’s response has increasingly centered on strengthening its own economic foundations while expanding connectivity with its neighbors. Growing with the Region At the heart of Ethiopia’s development strategy is an increasingly visible proposition: national prosperity and regional prosperity are interconnected. Energy corridors can connect power markets. Transport infrastructure can connect economies. Digital networks can connect people and businesses. Tourism can connect cultures. Maritime connectivity can connect landlocked economies to global markets. And regional trade can create opportunities that individual countries may struggle to generate alone. This explains why Ethiopia’s development agenda increasingly extends beyond its national borders. The country is seeking to grow not in isolation, but through deeper economic and infrastructure connections with the Horn of Africa, East Africa and the wider continent. Taken together, these developments point to something larger than a collection of individual projects. They represent an attempt to redefine Ethiopia’s economic foundations and its regional role simultaneously.
Advisor to Water Minister Rejects Interference in Sovereign Decisions or Restrictions on Right to Dev't
Sep 24, 2026 12863
Addis Ababa, September 24, 2026 (ENA) — Ethiopian Water and Energy Minister’s Advisor, Mohammed Al-Arousi, underscored that Ethiopia will not accept interference in its sovereign decisions or restrictions on its right to development. Strongly condemning the recent remarks of Egypt's Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation concerning the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), he told ENA that Ethiopia does not view the issue of dam construction as a confrontation with the Egyptian people. The Advisor and member of the House of People's Representatives called on the Egyptian side to focus on its domestic challenges and work toward mechanisms that strengthen cooperation among Nile Basin countries. Mohammed noted that Ethiopia’s dam development does not end with the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, pointing out that three new dams are in the pipeline. The projects demonstrate Ethiopia’s continued implementation of its development agenda, despite external criticism and objections. “Some of our brothers in Egypt may think that we are provoking them when we say that we are building dams on the Nile River. However, we affirm that these are Ethiopian rights from which we have been deprived; and Ethiopia is working to reclaim these rights,” the Advisor explained. Mohammed added that Ethiopia does not view water development as a privilege requiring permission from another country, stressing that its natural resources constitute the foundation of its plans to expand electricity access and improve the living standards of its citizens. Ethiopia will continue utilizing its natural resources and dam construction is part of the country’s right to pursue development and provide energy to its people, he underlined. “We categorically reject all these (Egyptian) statements. Our country is a sovereign and independent state, and we absolutely do not accept interference in Ethiopia’s internal affairs.” He elaborated that Ethiopia has long been deprived of exercising its full development rights in the areas of water and energy, and is now working to reclaim these rights through practical projects on the ground. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam was not constructed to target Egypt, but rather to generate electricity and support Ethiopia’s economic and social development, the Advisor added. Furthermore, the Advisor noted that the Nile Basin countries have become increasingly aware of the importance of protecting their natural resources and preserving their sovereignty, calling for cooperation mechanisms based on shared interests rather than continued disagreements. Mohammed criticized Egyptian statements, including the remarks of the Egyptian minister, as provocative; saying that discourse among countries in the region should contribute to rapprochement and dialogue rather than deepen tensions. He explained that Ethiopia responds to criticisms directed against it through the development projects it implements, rather than engaging in repeated political disputes. Ethiopia’s dam and energy projects represent, according to him, a practical response to the need to expand access to electricity and advance economic and social development as the country continues implementing its plans in the energy sector. The country will continue utilizing its natural resources in the interest of its people, the Advisor said, affirming that the development trajectory will not be halted by statements issued from abroad. In conclusion, Mohammed emphasized that cooperation among Nile Basin countries remains the path toward addressing common challenges.
Ethiopian Army's Emergence: A Strategic Insurance for Red Sea and Horn Region Security
Sep 24, 2026 19418
By Guillermo Patria Sept. 24, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia is undertaking a broad transformation of its national defense system, seeking to build a military that is more professional, technologically advanced, operationally ready and increasingly capable of sustaining itself through domestic production. The transformation reaches across the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), Air Force, Special Operations Command, defense industries, drone production, military research and education, artificial intelligence and the rebuilding of the country's maritime capability. At its core is a strategic proposition: protecting Ethiopia's sovereignty and national interests requires not only soldiers and weapons, but also strong institutions, technology, industrial capacity and human capital capable of sustaining them. ENDF Chief of General Staff Field Marshal Birhanu Jula has described the reform as a historic transformation aimed at strengthening the force's organizational structure, unity, professionalism, readiness and technological capacity. The objective is therefore not simply to increase military hardware, but to change the character and capabilities of the force.   A force adapted to modern warfare The battlefield is changing rapidly. Traditional manpower and conventional weapons remain important, but military effectiveness increasingly depends on information, precision, communications, unmanned systems, artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, electronic warfare and the ability to make decisions rapidly. Ethiopia's reforms are increasingly responding to this reality. In February 2026, Field Marshal Birhanu described the modernized ENDF in terms of quantity, quality and technology, stressing the need to adapt military capabilities to changing technologies and security threats. The technological shift is also becoming institutional. In August 2026, the ENDF signed an agreement with the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute to explore AI applications in logistics, military training, cybersecurity, military healthcare, air operations and electronic warfare. Yet technology alone does not create military strength. It must be matched by trained personnel, effective institutions and operational readiness. Ethiopia's reform therefore also emphasizes professional military education, specialized training, engineering and technical expertise. Readiness at the center The ultimate purpose of a defense force is its ability to respond when national interests are threatened. Field Marshal Birhanu has repeatedly emphasized ENDF readiness amid what Ethiopia describes as a complex and changing security environment. In July 2026, he said reforms had strengthened the force's organizational structure and unity while maintaining a high level of readiness and introducing modern military technology. The Special Operations Command represents another dimension of this approach, with military leadership presenting it as a highly capable force designed for rapid response and proactive action against emerging threats. For Ethiopia, the broader objective is clear: national sovereignty must be protected by a force capable of detecting threats, mobilizing rapidly and responding effectively when national interests are at stake. From buying weapons to building them Perhaps the most important part of Ethiopia's defense transformation is taking place away from the battlefield—in factories, laboratories and engineering facilities. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has increasingly linked defense manufacturing with economic resilience and technological self-reliance. He has said Ethiopia is developing domestic capabilities to manufacture unmanned aerial vehicles, armored military vehicles, heavy weapons, artillery and ammunition. The significance goes beyond the products themselves. Defense manufacturing requires engineers, technicians, researchers, specialized machinery and reliable industrial systems, creating technological capabilities that can strengthen the wider economy.   The Homicho Ammunition Engineering Complex illustrates this trajectory. Its growing production capacity has enabled Ethiopia not only to supply domestic requirements but also to enter foreign markets, with the government reporting ammunition export contracts worth more than 30 million US dollars. The direction is therefore shifting from simply acquiring finished products toward developing the capacity to produce, maintain and improve critical systems domestically. The Air Force and the technology ecosystem The Ethiopian Air Force provides perhaps the clearest example of the transformation. The institution says it has moved from an analog operating environment toward the digital era while expanding aircraft maintenance, upgrading, spare-parts production and unmanned aviation. The significance is that a modern Air Force requires an entire technological ecosystem—pilots, engineers, technicians, maintenance facilities, spare parts, research, communications and digital systems. Ethiopia is increasingly seeking to develop these capabilities locally. The Air Force has reported increased production of components and spare parts while Ethiopian engineers and technicians take greater roles in aircraft maintenance, upgrading and unmanned systems. The objective is therefore not simply to acquire aircraft from abroad, but to develop the knowledge required to operate, maintain, upgrade and eventually develop increasingly sophisticated systems. This also explains the emphasis on human capital. Prime Minister Abiy has stressed that sophisticated aircraft alone cannot create an effective Air Force. Highly trained pilots, engineers, technicians, scientists and commanders are essential to converting technology into military capability.   Drones and artificial intelligence Few developments demonstrate the technological shift more clearly than Ethiopia's growing drone industry. The establishment of SkyWin Aeronautics Industries marked an important step in domestic UAV production. Drones bring together aviation, electronics, sensors, communications, software, data processing and increasingly artificial intelligence. In June 2026, the Information Network Security Administration and the Ethiopian Air Force agreed to establish a Drone Technology Center dedicated to research, innovation and development in unmanned aerial systems. The initiative connects defense requirements with research, laboratories, human-capital development and technology transfer—helping create a domestic technological chain from research and engineering to production and deployment. AI represents the next layer of this transformation. The ENDF's cooperation with the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute is intended to explore AI applications across logistics, training, cybersecurity, military healthcare, air operations and electronic warfare. The broader significance is that Ethiopia's defense modernization is moving beyond hardware toward technologies that can improve how information is collected, processed and used.   Fourth-generation capability, fifth-generation ambition Ethiopia's Air Force ambitions extend further. In January 2026, Prime Minister Abiy said the Ethiopian Air Force had developed fourth-generation combat capability and set an objective of moving toward fifth-generation capability by 2030, alongside plans to double the country's combat-aircraft capacity. These are stated government objectives rather than capabilities already fully achieved. Nevertheless, they demonstrate the direction of Ethiopia's military planning: keeping defense capabilities aligned with rapidly evolving technologies while continuing to invest in the human expertise required to operate them. The transformation therefore cannot be measured only by the number of aircraft acquired, but also by the country's ability to operate, maintain, upgrade and increasingly develop sophisticated systems. Land, air and sea Ethiopia's defense transformation also has a maritime dimension. The country lost direct access to the Red Sea following Eritrea's independence, and the Ethiopian Navy was subsequently disbanded. Its reconstruction now forms part of the country's evolving national security architecture. Vice Admiral Kindu Gezu, Commander-in-Chief of the Ethiopian Navy, has highlighted the changing security environment in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, including piracy, arms trafficking, irregular migration, insurgent networks and geopolitical competition. For Ethiopia, maritime security has implications beyond naval operations. Trade routes, ports, energy supplies, commercial shipping and regional security are all connected to the wider maritime environment. The Navy consequently adds another dimension to the defense transformation, with land, air, cyber and maritime capabilities increasingly forming part of one national security architecture. Building strategic self-reliance Taken together, these developments reveal the broader direction of Ethiopia's defense reform. The ENDF is being reorganized and professionalized. Specialized forces are being developed around rapid response. The Air Force is expanding its digital, maintenance and engineering capabilities. Domestic drone production is emerging. Defense industries are producing ammunition, armored vehicles and other military equipment. AI is being explored for defense applications, while military universities and laboratories are becoming part of technological research and development. The Navy is rebuilding maritime capabilities. Individually, each represents a military reform. Together, they point toward an effort to build strategic self-reliance. A country cannot guarantee the sustainability of its defense capability if every critical component depends on external suppliers. Domestic production does not eliminate the need for international cooperation or foreign technology, but it can strengthen Ethiopia's ability to maintain essential capabilities, respond to emergencies and develop technologies suited to its own requirements. That is the broader bargain emerging from Ethiopia's defense transformation. The objective is not simply to possess modern weapons. It is to create a defense institution capable of using technology effectively, sustaining its equipment, developing its own technical expertise and responding rapidly when national interests are threatened. The deeper story is therefore being written not only on military grounds, but also in aircraft workshops, drone factories, ammunition plants, laboratories, military academies and technology institutes. The soldier remains at the center. But alongside the soldier stands an increasingly important network of pilots, engineers, scientists, technicians, programmers, researchers and manufacturers. Together, they represent a changing conception of military power. For Ethiopia, the emerging objective is a defense force that is professional in structure, ready in operation, technologically capable and increasingly self-reliant in production. In an era when national security is shaped by technology as much as manpower, the ability to build and sustain that capability may become as important as the weapons themselves. Ethiopia's defense transformation is therefore not simply about building a stronger army. It is about building the technological, industrial and human foundations that enable the country to defend its sovereignty and national interests with greater confidence and readiness.
Politics
Ethiopia’s Diplomatic Momentum—From Regional Weight to Global Reach
Sep 27, 2026 920
By Staff Writer Sept. 27, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia’s diplomacy is entering a new era—less confined to traditional political relations and increasingly driven by economic interests, strategic partnerships and a wider global footprint. Over the past eight years, Ethiopia has significantly broadened the arenas in which it engages the world. From Addis Ababa’s role as the diplomatic capital of Africa to its entry into BRICS, from the Pretoria peace process to the Ankara Declaration, from renewed WTO negotiations to a seat on the UN Human Rights Council, Ethiopia has expanded the platforms through which it seeks to shape regional and international affairs. The story is not about one diplomatic breakthrough. It is about the widening of Ethiopia’s diplomatic space. From Addis Ababa to BRICS One of the clearest symbols of this expansion is Ethiopia’s entry into BRICS. At the Johannesburg Summit in August 2023, BRICS leaders invited Ethiopia to become a full member, with membership taking effect on January 1, 2024. For Addis Ababa, BRICS opened another channel to engage major emerging economies and participate in discussions spanning politics and security, economic and financial cooperation, and people-to-people relations. More importantly, the move reflected a broader diplomatic strategy: diversification. Ethiopia has sought to deepen relations simultaneously with African partners, emerging economies, Western countries, Gulf states and Asian powers rather than allowing its international engagement to depend on a narrow circle of partners. Diplomacy With an Economic Purpose Perhaps the most important change has been the growing weight of economic diplomacy. Foreign policy is increasingly being connected to investment, trade, tourism, technology, infrastructure and market access. Diplomatic missions are expected not only to represent Ethiopia politically, but also to help connect the country with capital, markets and commercial opportunities. That shift mirrors Ethiopia’s own economic transformation. As the country seeks greater export capacity, investment and industrial development, diplomacy increasingly becomes an economic instrument. The embassy is no longer only a political bridge; it is increasingly part of the economic bridge. Regional Diplomacy Under Strategic Pressure Ethiopia’s geographic position makes regional diplomacy unavoidable. The country sits at the intersection of the Horn of Africa, the Nile Basin and the Red Sea, where security, trade, migration, infrastructure and political interests overlap. The Ankara Declaration with Somalia in December 2024 demonstrated the role of dialogue in addressing difficult regional questions. Ethiopia and Somalia reaffirmed respect for each other’s sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity and agreed to pursue cooperation toward shared prosperity. The significance extends beyond one declaration. It illustrates Ethiopia’s attempt to keep contentious regional questions within diplomatic channels while pursuing its strategic and economic interests. From Conflict Management to African Diplomacy Pretoria put Ethiopia at the center of one of Africa’s most consequential peace efforts. But even under the scrutiny of African and international mediators, the TPLF repeatedly came under fire for actions that threatened to undermine the commitments of the agreement—exposing the difficult path from a signed peace deal to durable stability. The broader lesson is that Ethiopia’s diplomatic weight is not derived only from its size or geographic position. It also comes from its role in continental institutions. Addis Ababa hosts the African Union headquarters, making the city a permanent meeting point for African leaders, diplomats and international organizations. That institutional position gives Ethiopia a distinctive platform from which to engage debates on peace, security, development and continental integration. A Seat at the Global Table Ethiopia’s election to the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025–2027 term further expanded its multilateral presence. The UN General Assembly elected Ethiopia among 18 members on October 9, 2024; the Council consists of 47 states. Such positions provide Ethiopia with additional opportunities to participate directly in international policymaking and multilateral diplomacy. The significance is therefore not simply symbolic. Representation creates another diplomatic channel through which Ethiopia can present its positions, negotiate interests and participate in shaping international discussions. The WTO Door Is Opening Wider Ethiopia’s long-running WTO accession process has also regained momentum. The WTO said in September 2025 that the process had entered a “decisive phase.” By April 2026, the organization described the negotiations as having reached a “decisive juncture,” with Ethiopia reporting further domestic reforms and continued engagement with WTO members. The accession process matters because it connects diplomacy directly to the structure of Ethiopia’s economy. Joining the multilateral trading system would deepen Ethiopia’s engagement with global markets while requiring continued reforms to trade-related institutions and regulations. In this sense, WTO diplomacy is not simply about Geneva.It is about transforming how Ethiopia trades with the world. The Red Sea Enters the Diplomatic Equation Few issues demonstrate the changing character of Ethiopian diplomacy more clearly than the Red Sea. For a landlocked country whose economy depends heavily on maritime trade, developments around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb have direct economic and strategic consequences. Maritime connectivity has consequently moved higher on Ethiopia’s diplomatic agenda. The issue intersects with trade, logistics, regional security and economic integration, bringing Ethiopia into discussions that extend well beyond its borders. The Red Sea question therefore illustrates the central feature of Ethiopia’s evolving diplomacy: national economic interests and regional strategy are becoming increasingly intertwined. A Wider Circle of Partners Ethiopia’s engagement with China, India, Russia, the United States, European countries and Gulf states has developed alongside its relationships with African neighbors and its participation in BRICS. The objective is not necessarily to choose one geopolitical camp. It is to expand Ethiopia’s room for diplomatic and economic engagement. That wider network gives Addis Ababa more channels for cooperation in investment, infrastructure, trade, technology, security and development. The result is a foreign policy increasingly built around multiple partnerships rather than a single diplomatic axis. The Real Test Begins Now Yet diplomatic expansion is not an end in itself. The coming years will determine whether Ethiopia can convert diplomatic access into concrete economic opportunities, stronger regional connectivity, expanded investment, deeper trade and durable partnerships. Memberships, declarations, elections and summits create platforms. What matters next is what Ethiopia builds on those platforms. The past eight years have nevertheless marked a notable expansion of Ethiopia’s diplomatic reach. BRICS has opened another global platform. The Human Rights Council has strengthened its multilateral presence. Pretoria demonstrated the potential of African-led diplomacy. Ankara created a framework for renewed engagement with Somalia. WTO negotiations have gained fresh momentum. Economic diplomacy has become increasingly central to foreign policy, while the Red Sea has emerged as a strategic priority. Consequently, these developments point to a broader transformation. Ethiopia is no longer approaching diplomacy simply as a means of maintaining relationships. It is increasingly using diplomacy to pursue markets, partnerships, connectivity, security and national development. From the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa to the BRICS table, from regional peace initiatives to global trade negotiations, Ethiopia’s diplomatic map has expanded considerably. The next chapter will be defined not by how many doors Ethiopia has opened, but by how effectively it turns those openings into lasting national and regional gains.
Ethiopia and the Red Sea: The Inevitable Return to a Historic Connection
Sep 27, 2026 1530
By Neway Abay S. Ethiopia has never truly been a stranger to the Red Sea. Long before modern borders redrew the map of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopian civilization was connected to the Red Sea through trade, diplomacy and coastal gateways linking the highlands with Arabia, the Mediterranean and the wider Indian Ocean world. That historic connection was eventually severed. But geography was not. Today, Ethiopia is a country of more than 130 million people, one of Africa’s largest economies and a major economic center in the Horn of Africa—yet it remains without a coastline. For decades, its international trade has depended heavily on neighboring ports, particularly Djibouti. The World Bank continues to describe Djibouti as Ethiopia’s primary maritime gateway, while recent assessments underline how disruptions along the corridor can translate directly into higher logistics costs and economic pressure inside Ethiopia. That reality has turned maritime access from a historical question into a contemporary economic, security and strategic one. Geography Cannot Be Negotiated Away Ethiopia’s loss of direct access to the sea did not erase its geographic position. The country remains at the center of the Horn of Africa, immediately adjoining one of the world’s most consequential maritime regions. The Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and Bab el-Mandeb connect Africa with the Middle East, Asia and Europe and disruptions there can reverberate through global trade, energy markets and supply chains. For Ethiopia, the consequences are particularly direct.   A landlocked economy of this scale cannot treat maritime connectivity as a peripheral concern. Every container entering or leaving the country ultimately depends on a corridor connecting the interior to the coast. The current system has created an important economic relationship with Djibouti, but it has also exposed the structural vulnerability of relying overwhelmingly on a single maritime gateway. The Addis-Djibouti corridor remains vital to Ethiopian trade, while the World Bank notes that disruptions and inefficiencies along the wider logistics chain can affect businesses and consumers. The question, therefore, is no longer whether Ethiopia is interested in the sea. It is how a country of Ethiopia’s demographic and economic weight can build reliable, diversified and sustainable maritime connectivity. Most importantly, the rapidly shifting political and military dynamics in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa have made sovereign sea access not merely desirable for Ethiopia, but increasingly unavoidable. The Red Sea Is No Longer Just a Trade Route The strategic importance of the Red Sea has become impossible to ignore. The Bab el-Mandeb is a critical maritime chokepoint. Recent disruptions have demonstrated how quickly insecurity at sea can become an economic problem on land, raising freight costs, extending shipping times and disrupting supply chains. UN Trade and Development has recently warned that renewed disruptions around Bab el-Mandeb are creating longer routes, higher fuel consumption, greater costs and additional pressure on global trade. For Ethiopia, this creates a striking paradox. Although the country has no coastline, instability along the Red Sea can affect its economy directly.   Ethiopia therefore has a substantial stake in the security of a maritime space in which it currently has limited direct presence. This is why the Red Sea question cannot be reduced to the search for a port. It is about connectivity, economic security and regional stability. From a Port to a Corridor Ethiopia’s maritime ambition makes greater sense when viewed not as a search for a single coastal facility, but as part of a much larger economic corridor. A functioning maritime connection would link the coast to Ethiopia’s roads, railways, dry ports, industrial parks, agricultural production centers and consumer markets. The objective would not simply be to move containers andiIt would be to move an economy. That distinction matters. A port without an efficient inland network is only a point on a map. A port connected to production, manufacturing, agriculture and regional markets becomes an engine of economic integration. Ethiopia’s experience with the Djibouti corridor already demonstrates the importance of this wider system. The World Bank’s recent work on Modjo Dry Port, for example, highlights how improvements in inland logistics can reduce processing delays and strengthen Ethiopia’s links to international markets. The next stage of Ethiopia’s maritime thinking can therefore be understood as the search for multiple corridors, multiple gateways and greater resilience. Economic Security Is Maritime Security The Red Sea has also exposed another reality: maritime security and economic security are increasingly inseparable. When shipping routes are threatened, insurance costs rise. When vessels divert around dangerous waters, delivery times increase. When freight costs rise, the consequences eventually reach factories, farmers, traders and households far from the coastline.   Ethiopia does not need to be a coastal country to experience these consequences. Indeed, its landlocked position makes reliable maritime access even more important. A diversified maritime strategy could give Ethiopia greater resilience against disruptions while creating additional opportunities for trade, investment and industrial development. It could also strengthen the economic interests that Ethiopia shares with its coastal neighbors. A Return to the Sea Need Not Mean a Return to Rivalry There is another dimension to Ethiopia’s maritime question that deserves greater attention. Access to the sea does not necessarily have to become another source of regional competition. It can become an instrument of regional integration. A port serving Ethiopian trade can generate business for a coastal state. A road or railway linking the interior to the coast can connect multiple economies. Industrial and logistics zones can create jobs and investment on both sides of a border. In that sense, Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations can be framed not simply as a national demand, but as part of a broader Horn of Africa economic equation. The region has spent decades treating geography as a source of strategic rivalry. It can also treat geography as an opportunity for integration. Ethiopia’s Maritime Question Is Growing, Not Fading Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly underscored that Ethiopia’s desire for sea access in terms of geography, economic necessity, dialogue and mutually beneficial cooperation rather than military expansion. The Ethiopian government has stated that the country’s demographic and economic scale makes dependable maritime connectivity an important national interest. That argument sits within a broader reality. Ethiopia is not the same country it was three decades ago. Its population and economy have expanded. Its trade ambitions have grown. Its industrial and agricultural production is becoming more integrated with international markets. And its exposure to disruptions along global shipping routes is increasing. The maritime question will therefore become more—not less—important as Ethiopia’s economy expands. The revival of attention to maritime affairs, including the re-establishment of the Ethiopian Navy in 2018, reflects this broader strategic shift. But the ultimate objective need not be the projection of power. It can be the protection of economic interests, participation in regional maritime security and the creation of durable commercial links between the Ethiopian interior and the global economy. The Geography of the Future The central fact remains remarkably simple: Ethiopia’s landlocked status is a historical tragedy shaped by external forces and political decisions made during a turbulent period—decisions that profoundly altered the country’s relationship with the sea. Yet the giant nation has never truly been disconnected from the Red Sea. Its economy depends on maritime trade. Its security environment is shaped by the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb. Its geographic position places it at the heart of the Horn of Africa. And its growing population and economy make dependable access to international trade routes increasingly consequential. The challenge, therefore, is not to recreate history exactly as it was. It is to build a new relationship with the sea suited to the realities of the 21st century. That means ports—but also corridors. It means trade—but also security. It means national interest—but also regional cooperation.   And above all, it means recognizing that the Red Sea is not a distant body of water separated from Ethiopia by political boundaries. It is part of the strategic geography in which Ethiopia’s future is being shaped. For a country whose civilization has been connected to the Red Sea for centuries, the renewed search for maritime connectivity is not simply a journey backward into history. It is Ethiopia looking toward the future and back toward the sea.
Ethiopia’s BRICS Membership Unlocking New Economic Opportunities, Says FAI Researcher
Sep 26, 2026 7365
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s BRICS membership is opening new opportunities across various sectors, Senior Researcher at the Foreign Affairs Institute (FAI) Himanot Eshetu told ENA. Himanot emphasized that Ethiopia’s BRICS membership is gaining momentum, creating greater leverage to strengthen economic partnerships, attract investment, diversify development financing, and advance its national interests globally. Ethiopia's active engagement with major emerging economies, coupled with its participation in high-level discussions concerning global economic and geopolitical issues, renders its BRICS membership profoundly strategic, she added. “BRICS is not just an economic grouping. Especially for Ethiopia, it is an additional platform for diplomatic engagement,” she said. The platform also enables Ethiopia to advance its national interests while championing African priorities across critical sectors, including global finance, technology, trade, sustainable development, and security. A major advantage of this membership is access to the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB), which Himanot noted will significantly expand funding for infrastructure and sustainable development.   The country can successfully diversify its development finance sources as the bank’s financing goals align closely with Ethiopia's national needs. “If we have more sources of finance, Ethiopia will get an opportunity and flexibility to implement its development priorities,” she said, emphasizing that NDB funding is meant to complement, rather than replace, existing partnerships. Since joining the bloc in 2024, Ethiopia has actively engaged in BRICS initiatives, ranging from heads of state summits and ministerial meetings to expert-level discussions and working groups. Beyond finance, Himanot highlighted the potential to connect with major emerging markets, expanding trade and investment horizons. To capitalize on these prospects, she stressed the importance of promoting competitive domestic sectors, such as agriculture, agro-processing, textile manufacturing, energy, tourism, and mining. Furthermore, the platform offers an avenue to deepen economic cooperation and advocate for the broader interests of the Global South. Ultimately, Himanot concluded, maximizing these benefits will require coordinated institutional engagement, a sharp focus on tangible economic outcomes, and proactive promotion of Ethiopia's trade and investment potential.
Ethiopia’s Rising Strategic Weight in the Horn and Red Sea
Sep 25, 2026 11503
By Staff Writer As geopolitical and politico-military dynamics reshape the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea corridor, Ethiopia’s economic weight, strategic location and expanding regional engagement continue to make it a central actor in the region’s evolving balance. Ethiopia is undergoing a transformation that reaches far beyond economic growth. Across its economy, cities, digital infrastructure, environmental restoration, tourism, investment, energy and regional connectivity, the country is pursuing a broad development agenda aimed at reshaping its domestic foundations while expanding its role in the Horn of Africa and the wider continent. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the government has placed economic reform, infrastructure development, digitalization, environmental restoration and regional integration at the heart of its development strategy. The transformation is unfolding against a complicated geopolitical backdrop. The Horn of Africa and the Red Sea corridor have become increasingly important arenas for global trade, maritime security, strategic competition and shifting political alignments. Conflicts and political transitions in neighboring countries, competition over strategic ports and shipping routes, and the growing involvement of external powers have further elevated the region's geopolitical importance. In that changing environment, Ethiopia’s sheer demographic and economic weight, geographic position and expanding infrastructure make its trajectory consequential well beyond its borders. The question is therefore not simply how rapidly Ethiopia is growing. It is how the country's economic transformation, technological modernization, environmental agenda and search for deeper regional connectivity could reshape its position in a strategically vital part of Africa. Growth as the Foundation of Transformation Ethiopia’s economic reform program has become one of the central pillars of this transformation. The government has pursued a series of macroeconomic and structural reforms under the Homegrown Economic Reform agenda, seeking to move the economy toward greater private-sector participation, stronger exports, increased investment and a more market-oriented system. The government projects economic growth of around 10.2 percent for the current Ethiopian fiscal year, placing Ethiopia among the world's fastest-growing economies. Behind the headline figure is a broader structural effort. Infrastructure investment, agriculture, manufacturing, services, trade and construction are increasingly interconnected within a development strategy designed to expand productive capacity and create new economic opportunities. The reform process has also sought to address longstanding macroeconomic challenges, including foreign-exchange shortages, inflationary pressures and limited private-sector participation. The significance of the reforms lies not only in short-term growth, but in the attempt to change the underlying architecture of the economy. Ethiopia is seeking to move from a predominantly state-led economic model toward one in which private investment, competition and market mechanisms play a larger role. This represents one of the most consequential economic shifts in the country's recent history. Cities as Engines of a New Ethiopia The transformation is perhaps most visible in Ethiopia’s cities. What began as a major corridor-development program in Addis Ababa has evolved into a broader urban-development drive extending to cities across the country. The initiative combines road and transport infrastructure with pedestrian corridors, public spaces, greenery, recreational facilities and other urban improvements. Addis Ababa has become the most visible expression of this transformation. The capital is simultaneously Ethiopia’s political center, a diplomatic hub hosting the African Union and numerous international institutions, and an increasingly important commercial and investment center. The broader objective is to create cities capable of supporting a rapidly growing population and an expanding economy. Urban development is consequently being treated not simply as beautification, but as an economic and social infrastructure strategy. The Digital Leap Another defining feature of Ethiopia’s transformation is the rapid expansion of its digital economy. For decades, many public and financial services depended heavily on physical documents, face-to-face transactions and cash. That is changing. Digital public services, mobile money, electronic payments and national digital identification are increasingly becoming part of everyday economic and administrative life. The government's Mesob one-stop digital service initiative represents this shift toward integrated public services, bringing multiple services together through digital platforms and expanding access beyond the capital. At the foundation of this emerging ecosystem is Fayda, Ethiopia’s national digital identification system. A reliable digital identity can support access to financial services, social protection, government services and a growing range of digital applications. Meanwhile, mobile-money adoption has expanded rapidly. More than 58 million Ethiopians are reported to be using mobile-money services, while digital payments have recorded significant increases. The importance of this transformation goes beyond convenience. Digitalization can reduce transaction costs, widen financial inclusion, improve access to government services and create new opportunities for businesses and citizens. For a country of Ethiopia’s size, that represents a potentially significant change in the relationship between the state, the economy and its citizens. Investment and Tourism: Unlocking Untapped Potential Ethiopia’s economic transformation is also increasingly linked to investment and tourism. The country combines a large domestic market, a young population, substantial agricultural potential, a strategic geographic location, unique cultural heritage and diverse natural landscapes. Government initiatives have sought to turn those assets into economic opportunities. Projects associated with Dine for Sheger, Dine for Nation and Dine for Generation have contributed to a broader effort to develop urban tourism, hospitality, recreation and cultural destinations. Ethiopia is simultaneously seeking to expand its tourism offering beyond traditional historical routes by developing natural, cultural and urban destinations. The objective is increasingly clear: tourism is being positioned not merely as a source of foreign exchange, but as part of a wider urban-development, employment and investment strategy. The same logic applies to investment. Economic reforms are intended to create greater space for private capital and international investors while infrastructure expansion seeks to improve the conditions for doing business. The challenge is converting Ethiopia’s enormous potential into sustained investment, competitive exports and productive employment. Green Legacy: Development with an Environmental Dimension Perhaps no initiative better captures Ethiopia’s attempt to connect development with environmental restoration than the Green Legacy Initiative. Launched in 2019, the program has mobilized millions of Ethiopians around large-scale tree planting and environmental rehabilitation. More than 56 billion seedlings have been planted since the initiative began. But the significance of Green Legacy extends beyond the number of seedlings. The initiative increasingly encompasses watershed protection, land rehabilitation, climate resilience, biodiversity and efforts to restore degraded landscapes. It has also become an important component of Ethiopia’s international climate diplomacy. For a developing country facing the effects of climate change while seeking rapid economic growth, the underlying proposition is significant: environmental restoration and economic development do not necessarily have to be competing objectives. Ethiopia is attempting to demonstrate that ecological restoration can itself become part of a national development strategy. Energy and Regional Integration Energy is another area where Ethiopia’s domestic transformation intersects directly with regional ambitions. With more than 95 percent of its electricity generated from renewable sources, Ethiopia is seeking to position itself as an important clean-energy producer in East Africa. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is central to that strategy. Beyond meeting domestic electricity needs, Ethiopia has increasingly emphasized the potential of cross-border electricity trade to support economic integration. Power interconnections with neighboring countries can create new markets for electricity while providing energy-deficient economies with access to renewable power. The broader vision is therefore regional. Ethiopia is seeking to build infrastructure that connects markets rather than simply serving national consumption. Roads, electricity networks, aviation, telecommunications and trade corridors can collectively create a more integrated regional economy. This is where Ethiopia’s development agenda intersects with its regional diplomacy. The Red Sea Quest Few issues demonstrate this intersection more clearly than Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable maritime access. As one of Africa’s most populous countries and a major economy in the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia has repeatedly argued that dependable access to maritime trade routes is important for its long-term economic development and regional integration. The issue has acquired greater significance as the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden have become increasingly important to global trade and maritime security. For Ethiopia, maritime access is fundamentally connected to logistics, trade competitiveness and integration into international markets. For the region, Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations intersect with questions of port infrastructure, shipping routes, security and regional economic cooperation. The challenge is therefore not merely geographic. Ethiopia’s approach has increasingly emphasized diplomatic engagement and negotiated arrangements, while presenting maritime connectivity as part of a broader regional integration agenda. A Strategic Actor in a Changing Region The Horn of Africa is experiencing a period of profound geopolitical change. The Red Sea shipping corridor has become increasingly important to global commerce. Competition over ports and maritime infrastructure has intensified. External powers are expanding their diplomatic, economic and security engagement. At the same time, conflicts and political instability continue to affect the region. Against this backdrop, Ethiopia remains one of the region’s central actors. Its large population, expanding economy, strategic location, military and institutional capacity, diplomatic role and infrastructure ambitions give it considerable regional weight. That does not mean Ethiopia is insulated from regional pressures. Far from it. The country continues to confront complex security, economic and diplomatic challenges, while its development ambitions are sometimes unfolding amid competing regional interests. But Ethiopia’s response has increasingly centered on strengthening its own economic foundations while expanding connectivity with its neighbors. Growing with the Region At the heart of Ethiopia’s development strategy is an increasingly visible proposition: national prosperity and regional prosperity are interconnected. Energy corridors can connect power markets. Transport infrastructure can connect economies. Digital networks can connect people and businesses. Tourism can connect cultures. Maritime connectivity can connect landlocked economies to global markets. And regional trade can create opportunities that individual countries may struggle to generate alone. This explains why Ethiopia’s development agenda increasingly extends beyond its national borders. The country is seeking to grow not in isolation, but through deeper economic and infrastructure connections with the Horn of Africa, East Africa and the wider continent. Taken together, these developments point to something larger than a collection of individual projects. They represent an attempt to redefine Ethiopia’s economic foundations and its regional role simultaneously.
Advisor to Water Minister Rejects Interference in Sovereign Decisions or Restrictions on Right to Dev't
Sep 24, 2026 12863
Addis Ababa, September 24, 2026 (ENA) — Ethiopian Water and Energy Minister’s Advisor, Mohammed Al-Arousi, underscored that Ethiopia will not accept interference in its sovereign decisions or restrictions on its right to development. Strongly condemning the recent remarks of Egypt's Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation concerning the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), he told ENA that Ethiopia does not view the issue of dam construction as a confrontation with the Egyptian people. The Advisor and member of the House of People's Representatives called on the Egyptian side to focus on its domestic challenges and work toward mechanisms that strengthen cooperation among Nile Basin countries. Mohammed noted that Ethiopia’s dam development does not end with the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, pointing out that three new dams are in the pipeline. The projects demonstrate Ethiopia’s continued implementation of its development agenda, despite external criticism and objections. “Some of our brothers in Egypt may think that we are provoking them when we say that we are building dams on the Nile River. However, we affirm that these are Ethiopian rights from which we have been deprived; and Ethiopia is working to reclaim these rights,” the Advisor explained. Mohammed added that Ethiopia does not view water development as a privilege requiring permission from another country, stressing that its natural resources constitute the foundation of its plans to expand electricity access and improve the living standards of its citizens. Ethiopia will continue utilizing its natural resources and dam construction is part of the country’s right to pursue development and provide energy to its people, he underlined. “We categorically reject all these (Egyptian) statements. Our country is a sovereign and independent state, and we absolutely do not accept interference in Ethiopia’s internal affairs.” He elaborated that Ethiopia has long been deprived of exercising its full development rights in the areas of water and energy, and is now working to reclaim these rights through practical projects on the ground. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam was not constructed to target Egypt, but rather to generate electricity and support Ethiopia’s economic and social development, the Advisor added. Furthermore, the Advisor noted that the Nile Basin countries have become increasingly aware of the importance of protecting their natural resources and preserving their sovereignty, calling for cooperation mechanisms based on shared interests rather than continued disagreements. Mohammed criticized Egyptian statements, including the remarks of the Egyptian minister, as provocative; saying that discourse among countries in the region should contribute to rapprochement and dialogue rather than deepen tensions. He explained that Ethiopia responds to criticisms directed against it through the development projects it implements, rather than engaging in repeated political disputes. Ethiopia’s dam and energy projects represent, according to him, a practical response to the need to expand access to electricity and advance economic and social development as the country continues implementing its plans in the energy sector. The country will continue utilizing its natural resources in the interest of its people, the Advisor said, affirming that the development trajectory will not be halted by statements issued from abroad. In conclusion, Mohammed emphasized that cooperation among Nile Basin countries remains the path toward addressing common challenges.
Ethiopian Army's Emergence: A Strategic Insurance for Red Sea and Horn Region Security
Sep 24, 2026 19418
By Guillermo Patria Sept. 24, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia is undertaking a broad transformation of its national defense system, seeking to build a military that is more professional, technologically advanced, operationally ready and increasingly capable of sustaining itself through domestic production. The transformation reaches across the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), Air Force, Special Operations Command, defense industries, drone production, military research and education, artificial intelligence and the rebuilding of the country's maritime capability. At its core is a strategic proposition: protecting Ethiopia's sovereignty and national interests requires not only soldiers and weapons, but also strong institutions, technology, industrial capacity and human capital capable of sustaining them. ENDF Chief of General Staff Field Marshal Birhanu Jula has described the reform as a historic transformation aimed at strengthening the force's organizational structure, unity, professionalism, readiness and technological capacity. The objective is therefore not simply to increase military hardware, but to change the character and capabilities of the force.   A force adapted to modern warfare The battlefield is changing rapidly. Traditional manpower and conventional weapons remain important, but military effectiveness increasingly depends on information, precision, communications, unmanned systems, artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, electronic warfare and the ability to make decisions rapidly. Ethiopia's reforms are increasingly responding to this reality. In February 2026, Field Marshal Birhanu described the modernized ENDF in terms of quantity, quality and technology, stressing the need to adapt military capabilities to changing technologies and security threats. The technological shift is also becoming institutional. In August 2026, the ENDF signed an agreement with the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute to explore AI applications in logistics, military training, cybersecurity, military healthcare, air operations and electronic warfare. Yet technology alone does not create military strength. It must be matched by trained personnel, effective institutions and operational readiness. Ethiopia's reform therefore also emphasizes professional military education, specialized training, engineering and technical expertise. Readiness at the center The ultimate purpose of a defense force is its ability to respond when national interests are threatened. Field Marshal Birhanu has repeatedly emphasized ENDF readiness amid what Ethiopia describes as a complex and changing security environment. In July 2026, he said reforms had strengthened the force's organizational structure and unity while maintaining a high level of readiness and introducing modern military technology. The Special Operations Command represents another dimension of this approach, with military leadership presenting it as a highly capable force designed for rapid response and proactive action against emerging threats. For Ethiopia, the broader objective is clear: national sovereignty must be protected by a force capable of detecting threats, mobilizing rapidly and responding effectively when national interests are at stake. From buying weapons to building them Perhaps the most important part of Ethiopia's defense transformation is taking place away from the battlefield—in factories, laboratories and engineering facilities. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has increasingly linked defense manufacturing with economic resilience and technological self-reliance. He has said Ethiopia is developing domestic capabilities to manufacture unmanned aerial vehicles, armored military vehicles, heavy weapons, artillery and ammunition. The significance goes beyond the products themselves. Defense manufacturing requires engineers, technicians, researchers, specialized machinery and reliable industrial systems, creating technological capabilities that can strengthen the wider economy.   The Homicho Ammunition Engineering Complex illustrates this trajectory. Its growing production capacity has enabled Ethiopia not only to supply domestic requirements but also to enter foreign markets, with the government reporting ammunition export contracts worth more than 30 million US dollars. The direction is therefore shifting from simply acquiring finished products toward developing the capacity to produce, maintain and improve critical systems domestically. The Air Force and the technology ecosystem The Ethiopian Air Force provides perhaps the clearest example of the transformation. The institution says it has moved from an analog operating environment toward the digital era while expanding aircraft maintenance, upgrading, spare-parts production and unmanned aviation. The significance is that a modern Air Force requires an entire technological ecosystem—pilots, engineers, technicians, maintenance facilities, spare parts, research, communications and digital systems. Ethiopia is increasingly seeking to develop these capabilities locally. The Air Force has reported increased production of components and spare parts while Ethiopian engineers and technicians take greater roles in aircraft maintenance, upgrading and unmanned systems. The objective is therefore not simply to acquire aircraft from abroad, but to develop the knowledge required to operate, maintain, upgrade and eventually develop increasingly sophisticated systems. This also explains the emphasis on human capital. Prime Minister Abiy has stressed that sophisticated aircraft alone cannot create an effective Air Force. Highly trained pilots, engineers, technicians, scientists and commanders are essential to converting technology into military capability.   Drones and artificial intelligence Few developments demonstrate the technological shift more clearly than Ethiopia's growing drone industry. The establishment of SkyWin Aeronautics Industries marked an important step in domestic UAV production. Drones bring together aviation, electronics, sensors, communications, software, data processing and increasingly artificial intelligence. In June 2026, the Information Network Security Administration and the Ethiopian Air Force agreed to establish a Drone Technology Center dedicated to research, innovation and development in unmanned aerial systems. The initiative connects defense requirements with research, laboratories, human-capital development and technology transfer—helping create a domestic technological chain from research and engineering to production and deployment. AI represents the next layer of this transformation. The ENDF's cooperation with the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute is intended to explore AI applications across logistics, training, cybersecurity, military healthcare, air operations and electronic warfare. The broader significance is that Ethiopia's defense modernization is moving beyond hardware toward technologies that can improve how information is collected, processed and used.   Fourth-generation capability, fifth-generation ambition Ethiopia's Air Force ambitions extend further. In January 2026, Prime Minister Abiy said the Ethiopian Air Force had developed fourth-generation combat capability and set an objective of moving toward fifth-generation capability by 2030, alongside plans to double the country's combat-aircraft capacity. These are stated government objectives rather than capabilities already fully achieved. Nevertheless, they demonstrate the direction of Ethiopia's military planning: keeping defense capabilities aligned with rapidly evolving technologies while continuing to invest in the human expertise required to operate them. The transformation therefore cannot be measured only by the number of aircraft acquired, but also by the country's ability to operate, maintain, upgrade and increasingly develop sophisticated systems. Land, air and sea Ethiopia's defense transformation also has a maritime dimension. The country lost direct access to the Red Sea following Eritrea's independence, and the Ethiopian Navy was subsequently disbanded. Its reconstruction now forms part of the country's evolving national security architecture. Vice Admiral Kindu Gezu, Commander-in-Chief of the Ethiopian Navy, has highlighted the changing security environment in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, including piracy, arms trafficking, irregular migration, insurgent networks and geopolitical competition. For Ethiopia, maritime security has implications beyond naval operations. Trade routes, ports, energy supplies, commercial shipping and regional security are all connected to the wider maritime environment. The Navy consequently adds another dimension to the defense transformation, with land, air, cyber and maritime capabilities increasingly forming part of one national security architecture. Building strategic self-reliance Taken together, these developments reveal the broader direction of Ethiopia's defense reform. The ENDF is being reorganized and professionalized. Specialized forces are being developed around rapid response. The Air Force is expanding its digital, maintenance and engineering capabilities. Domestic drone production is emerging. Defense industries are producing ammunition, armored vehicles and other military equipment. AI is being explored for defense applications, while military universities and laboratories are becoming part of technological research and development. The Navy is rebuilding maritime capabilities. Individually, each represents a military reform. Together, they point toward an effort to build strategic self-reliance. A country cannot guarantee the sustainability of its defense capability if every critical component depends on external suppliers. Domestic production does not eliminate the need for international cooperation or foreign technology, but it can strengthen Ethiopia's ability to maintain essential capabilities, respond to emergencies and develop technologies suited to its own requirements. That is the broader bargain emerging from Ethiopia's defense transformation. The objective is not simply to possess modern weapons. It is to create a defense institution capable of using technology effectively, sustaining its equipment, developing its own technical expertise and responding rapidly when national interests are threatened. The deeper story is therefore being written not only on military grounds, but also in aircraft workshops, drone factories, ammunition plants, laboratories, military academies and technology institutes. The soldier remains at the center. But alongside the soldier stands an increasingly important network of pilots, engineers, scientists, technicians, programmers, researchers and manufacturers. Together, they represent a changing conception of military power. For Ethiopia, the emerging objective is a defense force that is professional in structure, ready in operation, technologically capable and increasingly self-reliant in production. In an era when national security is shaped by technology as much as manpower, the ability to build and sustain that capability may become as important as the weapons themselves. Ethiopia's defense transformation is therefore not simply about building a stronger army. It is about building the technological, industrial and human foundations that enable the country to defend its sovereignty and national interests with greater confidence and readiness.
Social
Ethiopia, India Orthodox Churches Spiritually Very Near, Says Patriarch Baselios Marthoma Mathews III
Sep 26, 2026 4898
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia and India are geographically distant, but our churches are spiritually very near, with their Orthodox churches united by a common apostolic faith, Patriarch of the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church of India, His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III, said. Speaking at the Demera celebration in Addis Ababa today, the Patriarch said the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church belong to the family of Oriental Orthodox Churches and share a spiritual heritage shaped by the Eucharist, fasting, prayer, asceticism, the communion of saints and the cross of Christ.   “Our nations are geographically distant, but our churches are spiritually very near,” he noted, emphasizing that the bond between the two churches is rooted not primarily in diplomacy or institutional relations, but in their common apostolic faith. His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III said the relationship between the two churches has developed through decades of visits, theological cooperation and exchanges, recalling the 1965 gathering of heads of Oriental Orthodox Churches in Addis Ababa as a significant milestone in the history of their fellowship. He also highlighted the contributions of theologians and clergy from the Malankara Orthodox Church to theological education and fellowship in Ethiopia, as well as reciprocal visits by the heads of the two churches. The Patriarch further recalled that a bilateral agreement between the two churches was formally signed during the 2017 Meskel celebration in Ethiopia, describing the occasion as a significant expression of their historic friendship and shared apostolic inheritance.   According to him, Meskel’s inscription on UNESCO’s List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity appropriately recognizes its role in bringing together people across communities and generations while fostering reconciliation, social cohesion and peaceful coexistence. For Orthodox Christians, the Patriarch said, Meskel represents more than cultural heritage, describing it as “living faith” and worship centered on Christ. This celebration demonstrates the unifying and reconciling message of the cross, which brings people together and directs them toward God and one another, he added. “The cross gathers us. The cross reconciles us.” His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III concluded: “For us Orthodox Christians, Meskel is still more. Before it is cultural heritage, it is living faith. Before it is spectacle, it is worship. Before it belongs to history, it belongs to Christ.”
Ethiopian Orthodox Patriarch Calls for National Peace Through Unity, Reconciliation
Sep 26, 2026 3927
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, His Holiness Abune Mathias, has called on Ethiopians to work earnestly for comprehensive national peace by overcoming obstacles to unity and progress with patience and foresight. In his fatherly message delivered during the Meskel Demera celebration at Meskel Square in Addis Ababa, Abune Mathias stressed the importance of unity, progress and a shared commitment to reconciliation. “The primary message of the Cross is to establish peace and unity, forgiveness and reconciliation, as well as love and harmony among all mankind,” Abune Mathias said.   He urged Ethiopians to confront challenges that hinder national unity and progress with patience and farsightedness, stressing the need for sustained efforts to achieve lasting peace and unity across the country. The Patriarch said the message of Meskel and the Cross carries a universal call for peace, forgiveness, reconciliation and harmony, the Patriarch described as essential to Ethiopia’s pursuit of national unity and peaceful coexistence. The Demera ceremony was colorfully celebrated at Meskel Square, bringing together Holy Bishops, senior government officials, foreign ambassadors and diplomats, international visitors, church followers and members of the wider community.   The celebration placed Ethiopia’s centuries-old religious and cultural heritage at the center of a powerful message of peace, unity and reconciliation.
Meskel-Demera Festival Serves as Shared Value that Elevates Nat’l image, Cultural Wealth: Mayor Adanech 
Sep 26, 2026 3330
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Meskel-Demera festival is serving as a shared value that elevates Ethiopia’s national image and cultural wealth across the world, Addis Ababa Mayor Adanech Abiebie said. Addressing the Demera celebration at Meskel Square today, the Mayor stated that the Meskel-Demera festival, one of the most vibrant public celebrations in the city, is a great festival which has been celebrated for centuries while preserving its religious essence and shining brightly in our culture.   The holiday, while maintaining its religious and cultural significance, encompasses many cross-generational and holistic benefits, Adanech underscored. Recalling the official registration of Mesquel-Demera by the UNESCO as an intangible cultural heritage of humanity, she said it serves as a shared value that elevates Ethiopia's image and cultural wealth across the world. For Ethiopians, the holiday holds a profound meaning in their daily lives and all joint activities, the Mayor emphasized.   “Even though each of us has a distinct culture, language, religion, and identity, we become unbreakable force that overcomes darkness for both the city and country as we stand together like the Demera, walk hand-in-hand, and strengthen our unity.” According to her, the city of Addis Ababa has recently been cited as a center of global attraction, a symbol of cleanliness, and an example of urban transformation achieved in a short period of time.   The Mayor also noted that the hosting of many tourists who visit the city warmly showcases the manifestation of Ethiopian hospitality. The ability of hosting such great national and international events as well as holidays underscore the city's capacity to successfully lead and accommodate huge functions. Holding of great events like these show the city's competence, civility and beauty thus creating capacity for even greater attraction—not just because the government worked alone; but because we stood and cooperated together, she stressed.
Indian Orthodox Church Eyes Deeper Ties with Ethiopian Church
Sep 26, 2026 3507
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —The Indian Orthodox Church is seeking to deepen its longstanding relationship with the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church through expanded theological dialogue, educational exchanges and greater sharing of faith and traditions. His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III, Catholicos of the East and Malankara Metropolitan, made the call at Holy Trinity Cathedral in Addis Ababa during an Indian Orthodox delegation’s visit to Ethiopia for this year’s Meskel celebrations. He said the two churches have maintained a longstanding relationship and have already begun dialogue aimed at bringing them closer together as sister churches within the Oriental Orthodox family. “We have already started our dialogues between our churches,” the Patriarch said, adding that the two sides are exploring ways to establish “more intimate relations” and share their traditions, faith and practices. He said the dialogue could also open the way for greater cooperation in theological education, including the exchange of students between seminaries in Malankara and Ethiopia. “We are even thinking of sharing students of the seminary between our seminary in Malankara and also our seminary in Ethiopia in the near future,” he said. The proposed exchange would build on earlier educational links between the two churches, including the involvement of Malankara theologians in theological education in Ethiopia. Speaking to Pulse of Africa, His Grace Dr. Yuhanon Mar Diascoros, a Metropolitan of the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church and former professor at Holy Trinity Theological College in Addis Ababa from 1994 to 1997, described the relationship between the churches as a longstanding bond rooted in their shared Oriental Orthodox heritage. “It is a very strong ancient connection between the Indian Orthodox Church and the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. We are sister churches. We belong to one family,” he said. Diascoros highlighted the exchange of teachers and students as an important expression of the relationship, saying such cooperation could contribute to promoting peace and harmony in both countries. He noted that both societies face complex challenges and stressed the importance of responding to them through peaceful dialogue and the teachings of Christianity. “We have to work together for promoting peace and harmony in both our countries,” he said, emphasizing the need to “teach the peace given by our Lord Jesus Christ.” The remarks came as the Indian Orthodox delegation joined Ethiopian Orthodox faithful in celebrating Meskel, one of Ethiopia’s most significant religious and cultural observances commemorating the finding of the True Cross. Diascoros said Ethiopia’s distinctive way of marking Meskel, including its character as a major national celebration, gives the feast a special significance.
Economy
Ethiopia’s Diplomatic Momentum—From Regional Weight to Global Reach
Sep 27, 2026 920
By Staff Writer Sept. 27, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia’s diplomacy is entering a new era—less confined to traditional political relations and increasingly driven by economic interests, strategic partnerships and a wider global footprint. Over the past eight years, Ethiopia has significantly broadened the arenas in which it engages the world. From Addis Ababa’s role as the diplomatic capital of Africa to its entry into BRICS, from the Pretoria peace process to the Ankara Declaration, from renewed WTO negotiations to a seat on the UN Human Rights Council, Ethiopia has expanded the platforms through which it seeks to shape regional and international affairs. The story is not about one diplomatic breakthrough. It is about the widening of Ethiopia’s diplomatic space. From Addis Ababa to BRICS One of the clearest symbols of this expansion is Ethiopia’s entry into BRICS. At the Johannesburg Summit in August 2023, BRICS leaders invited Ethiopia to become a full member, with membership taking effect on January 1, 2024. For Addis Ababa, BRICS opened another channel to engage major emerging economies and participate in discussions spanning politics and security, economic and financial cooperation, and people-to-people relations. More importantly, the move reflected a broader diplomatic strategy: diversification. Ethiopia has sought to deepen relations simultaneously with African partners, emerging economies, Western countries, Gulf states and Asian powers rather than allowing its international engagement to depend on a narrow circle of partners. Diplomacy With an Economic Purpose Perhaps the most important change has been the growing weight of economic diplomacy. Foreign policy is increasingly being connected to investment, trade, tourism, technology, infrastructure and market access. Diplomatic missions are expected not only to represent Ethiopia politically, but also to help connect the country with capital, markets and commercial opportunities. That shift mirrors Ethiopia’s own economic transformation. As the country seeks greater export capacity, investment and industrial development, diplomacy increasingly becomes an economic instrument. The embassy is no longer only a political bridge; it is increasingly part of the economic bridge. Regional Diplomacy Under Strategic Pressure Ethiopia’s geographic position makes regional diplomacy unavoidable. The country sits at the intersection of the Horn of Africa, the Nile Basin and the Red Sea, where security, trade, migration, infrastructure and political interests overlap. The Ankara Declaration with Somalia in December 2024 demonstrated the role of dialogue in addressing difficult regional questions. Ethiopia and Somalia reaffirmed respect for each other’s sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity and agreed to pursue cooperation toward shared prosperity. The significance extends beyond one declaration. It illustrates Ethiopia’s attempt to keep contentious regional questions within diplomatic channels while pursuing its strategic and economic interests. From Conflict Management to African Diplomacy Pretoria put Ethiopia at the center of one of Africa’s most consequential peace efforts. But even under the scrutiny of African and international mediators, the TPLF repeatedly came under fire for actions that threatened to undermine the commitments of the agreement—exposing the difficult path from a signed peace deal to durable stability. The broader lesson is that Ethiopia’s diplomatic weight is not derived only from its size or geographic position. It also comes from its role in continental institutions. Addis Ababa hosts the African Union headquarters, making the city a permanent meeting point for African leaders, diplomats and international organizations. That institutional position gives Ethiopia a distinctive platform from which to engage debates on peace, security, development and continental integration. A Seat at the Global Table Ethiopia’s election to the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025–2027 term further expanded its multilateral presence. The UN General Assembly elected Ethiopia among 18 members on October 9, 2024; the Council consists of 47 states. Such positions provide Ethiopia with additional opportunities to participate directly in international policymaking and multilateral diplomacy. The significance is therefore not simply symbolic. Representation creates another diplomatic channel through which Ethiopia can present its positions, negotiate interests and participate in shaping international discussions. The WTO Door Is Opening Wider Ethiopia’s long-running WTO accession process has also regained momentum. The WTO said in September 2025 that the process had entered a “decisive phase.” By April 2026, the organization described the negotiations as having reached a “decisive juncture,” with Ethiopia reporting further domestic reforms and continued engagement with WTO members. The accession process matters because it connects diplomacy directly to the structure of Ethiopia’s economy. Joining the multilateral trading system would deepen Ethiopia’s engagement with global markets while requiring continued reforms to trade-related institutions and regulations. In this sense, WTO diplomacy is not simply about Geneva.It is about transforming how Ethiopia trades with the world. The Red Sea Enters the Diplomatic Equation Few issues demonstrate the changing character of Ethiopian diplomacy more clearly than the Red Sea. For a landlocked country whose economy depends heavily on maritime trade, developments around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb have direct economic and strategic consequences. Maritime connectivity has consequently moved higher on Ethiopia’s diplomatic agenda. The issue intersects with trade, logistics, regional security and economic integration, bringing Ethiopia into discussions that extend well beyond its borders. The Red Sea question therefore illustrates the central feature of Ethiopia’s evolving diplomacy: national economic interests and regional strategy are becoming increasingly intertwined. A Wider Circle of Partners Ethiopia’s engagement with China, India, Russia, the United States, European countries and Gulf states has developed alongside its relationships with African neighbors and its participation in BRICS. The objective is not necessarily to choose one geopolitical camp. It is to expand Ethiopia’s room for diplomatic and economic engagement. That wider network gives Addis Ababa more channels for cooperation in investment, infrastructure, trade, technology, security and development. The result is a foreign policy increasingly built around multiple partnerships rather than a single diplomatic axis. The Real Test Begins Now Yet diplomatic expansion is not an end in itself. The coming years will determine whether Ethiopia can convert diplomatic access into concrete economic opportunities, stronger regional connectivity, expanded investment, deeper trade and durable partnerships. Memberships, declarations, elections and summits create platforms. What matters next is what Ethiopia builds on those platforms. The past eight years have nevertheless marked a notable expansion of Ethiopia’s diplomatic reach. BRICS has opened another global platform. The Human Rights Council has strengthened its multilateral presence. Pretoria demonstrated the potential of African-led diplomacy. Ankara created a framework for renewed engagement with Somalia. WTO negotiations have gained fresh momentum. Economic diplomacy has become increasingly central to foreign policy, while the Red Sea has emerged as a strategic priority. Consequently, these developments point to a broader transformation. Ethiopia is no longer approaching diplomacy simply as a means of maintaining relationships. It is increasingly using diplomacy to pursue markets, partnerships, connectivity, security and national development. From the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa to the BRICS table, from regional peace initiatives to global trade negotiations, Ethiopia’s diplomatic map has expanded considerably. The next chapter will be defined not by how many doors Ethiopia has opened, but by how effectively it turns those openings into lasting national and regional gains.
Ethiopia and the Red Sea: The Inevitable Return to a Historic Connection
Sep 27, 2026 1530
By Neway Abay S. Ethiopia has never truly been a stranger to the Red Sea. Long before modern borders redrew the map of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopian civilization was connected to the Red Sea through trade, diplomacy and coastal gateways linking the highlands with Arabia, the Mediterranean and the wider Indian Ocean world. That historic connection was eventually severed. But geography was not. Today, Ethiopia is a country of more than 130 million people, one of Africa’s largest economies and a major economic center in the Horn of Africa—yet it remains without a coastline. For decades, its international trade has depended heavily on neighboring ports, particularly Djibouti. The World Bank continues to describe Djibouti as Ethiopia’s primary maritime gateway, while recent assessments underline how disruptions along the corridor can translate directly into higher logistics costs and economic pressure inside Ethiopia. That reality has turned maritime access from a historical question into a contemporary economic, security and strategic one. Geography Cannot Be Negotiated Away Ethiopia’s loss of direct access to the sea did not erase its geographic position. The country remains at the center of the Horn of Africa, immediately adjoining one of the world’s most consequential maritime regions. The Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and Bab el-Mandeb connect Africa with the Middle East, Asia and Europe and disruptions there can reverberate through global trade, energy markets and supply chains. For Ethiopia, the consequences are particularly direct.   A landlocked economy of this scale cannot treat maritime connectivity as a peripheral concern. Every container entering or leaving the country ultimately depends on a corridor connecting the interior to the coast. The current system has created an important economic relationship with Djibouti, but it has also exposed the structural vulnerability of relying overwhelmingly on a single maritime gateway. The Addis-Djibouti corridor remains vital to Ethiopian trade, while the World Bank notes that disruptions and inefficiencies along the wider logistics chain can affect businesses and consumers. The question, therefore, is no longer whether Ethiopia is interested in the sea. It is how a country of Ethiopia’s demographic and economic weight can build reliable, diversified and sustainable maritime connectivity. Most importantly, the rapidly shifting political and military dynamics in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa have made sovereign sea access not merely desirable for Ethiopia, but increasingly unavoidable. The Red Sea Is No Longer Just a Trade Route The strategic importance of the Red Sea has become impossible to ignore. The Bab el-Mandeb is a critical maritime chokepoint. Recent disruptions have demonstrated how quickly insecurity at sea can become an economic problem on land, raising freight costs, extending shipping times and disrupting supply chains. UN Trade and Development has recently warned that renewed disruptions around Bab el-Mandeb are creating longer routes, higher fuel consumption, greater costs and additional pressure on global trade. For Ethiopia, this creates a striking paradox. Although the country has no coastline, instability along the Red Sea can affect its economy directly.   Ethiopia therefore has a substantial stake in the security of a maritime space in which it currently has limited direct presence. This is why the Red Sea question cannot be reduced to the search for a port. It is about connectivity, economic security and regional stability. From a Port to a Corridor Ethiopia’s maritime ambition makes greater sense when viewed not as a search for a single coastal facility, but as part of a much larger economic corridor. A functioning maritime connection would link the coast to Ethiopia’s roads, railways, dry ports, industrial parks, agricultural production centers and consumer markets. The objective would not simply be to move containers andiIt would be to move an economy. That distinction matters. A port without an efficient inland network is only a point on a map. A port connected to production, manufacturing, agriculture and regional markets becomes an engine of economic integration. Ethiopia’s experience with the Djibouti corridor already demonstrates the importance of this wider system. The World Bank’s recent work on Modjo Dry Port, for example, highlights how improvements in inland logistics can reduce processing delays and strengthen Ethiopia’s links to international markets. The next stage of Ethiopia’s maritime thinking can therefore be understood as the search for multiple corridors, multiple gateways and greater resilience. Economic Security Is Maritime Security The Red Sea has also exposed another reality: maritime security and economic security are increasingly inseparable. When shipping routes are threatened, insurance costs rise. When vessels divert around dangerous waters, delivery times increase. When freight costs rise, the consequences eventually reach factories, farmers, traders and households far from the coastline.   Ethiopia does not need to be a coastal country to experience these consequences. Indeed, its landlocked position makes reliable maritime access even more important. A diversified maritime strategy could give Ethiopia greater resilience against disruptions while creating additional opportunities for trade, investment and industrial development. It could also strengthen the economic interests that Ethiopia shares with its coastal neighbors. A Return to the Sea Need Not Mean a Return to Rivalry There is another dimension to Ethiopia’s maritime question that deserves greater attention. Access to the sea does not necessarily have to become another source of regional competition. It can become an instrument of regional integration. A port serving Ethiopian trade can generate business for a coastal state. A road or railway linking the interior to the coast can connect multiple economies. Industrial and logistics zones can create jobs and investment on both sides of a border. In that sense, Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations can be framed not simply as a national demand, but as part of a broader Horn of Africa economic equation. The region has spent decades treating geography as a source of strategic rivalry. It can also treat geography as an opportunity for integration. Ethiopia’s Maritime Question Is Growing, Not Fading Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly underscored that Ethiopia’s desire for sea access in terms of geography, economic necessity, dialogue and mutually beneficial cooperation rather than military expansion. The Ethiopian government has stated that the country’s demographic and economic scale makes dependable maritime connectivity an important national interest. That argument sits within a broader reality. Ethiopia is not the same country it was three decades ago. Its population and economy have expanded. Its trade ambitions have grown. Its industrial and agricultural production is becoming more integrated with international markets. And its exposure to disruptions along global shipping routes is increasing. The maritime question will therefore become more—not less—important as Ethiopia’s economy expands. The revival of attention to maritime affairs, including the re-establishment of the Ethiopian Navy in 2018, reflects this broader strategic shift. But the ultimate objective need not be the projection of power. It can be the protection of economic interests, participation in regional maritime security and the creation of durable commercial links between the Ethiopian interior and the global economy. The Geography of the Future The central fact remains remarkably simple: Ethiopia’s landlocked status is a historical tragedy shaped by external forces and political decisions made during a turbulent period—decisions that profoundly altered the country’s relationship with the sea. Yet the giant nation has never truly been disconnected from the Red Sea. Its economy depends on maritime trade. Its security environment is shaped by the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb. Its geographic position places it at the heart of the Horn of Africa. And its growing population and economy make dependable access to international trade routes increasingly consequential. The challenge, therefore, is not to recreate history exactly as it was. It is to build a new relationship with the sea suited to the realities of the 21st century. That means ports—but also corridors. It means trade—but also security. It means national interest—but also regional cooperation.   And above all, it means recognizing that the Red Sea is not a distant body of water separated from Ethiopia by political boundaries. It is part of the strategic geography in which Ethiopia’s future is being shaped. For a country whose civilization has been connected to the Red Sea for centuries, the renewed search for maritime connectivity is not simply a journey backward into history. It is Ethiopia looking toward the future and back toward the sea.
Ethiopia’s BRICS Membership Unlocking New Economic Opportunities, Says FAI Researcher
Sep 26, 2026 7365
Addis Ababa, September 26, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s BRICS membership is opening new opportunities across various sectors, Senior Researcher at the Foreign Affairs Institute (FAI) Himanot Eshetu told ENA. Himanot emphasized that Ethiopia’s BRICS membership is gaining momentum, creating greater leverage to strengthen economic partnerships, attract investment, diversify development financing, and advance its national interests globally. Ethiopia's active engagement with major emerging economies, coupled with its participation in high-level discussions concerning global economic and geopolitical issues, renders its BRICS membership profoundly strategic, she added. “BRICS is not just an economic grouping. Especially for Ethiopia, it is an additional platform for diplomatic engagement,” she said. The platform also enables Ethiopia to advance its national interests while championing African priorities across critical sectors, including global finance, technology, trade, sustainable development, and security. A major advantage of this membership is access to the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB), which Himanot noted will significantly expand funding for infrastructure and sustainable development.   The country can successfully diversify its development finance sources as the bank’s financing goals align closely with Ethiopia's national needs. “If we have more sources of finance, Ethiopia will get an opportunity and flexibility to implement its development priorities,” she said, emphasizing that NDB funding is meant to complement, rather than replace, existing partnerships. Since joining the bloc in 2024, Ethiopia has actively engaged in BRICS initiatives, ranging from heads of state summits and ministerial meetings to expert-level discussions and working groups. Beyond finance, Himanot highlighted the potential to connect with major emerging markets, expanding trade and investment horizons. To capitalize on these prospects, she stressed the importance of promoting competitive domestic sectors, such as agriculture, agro-processing, textile manufacturing, energy, tourism, and mining. Furthermore, the platform offers an avenue to deepen economic cooperation and advocate for the broader interests of the Global South. Ultimately, Himanot concluded, maximizing these benefits will require coordinated institutional engagement, a sharp focus on tangible economic outcomes, and proactive promotion of Ethiopia's trade and investment potential.
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Technology
Ethiopian Army's Emergence: A Strategic Insurance for Red Sea and Horn Region Security
Sep 24, 2026 19418
By Guillermo Patria Sept. 24, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia is undertaking a broad transformation of its national defense system, seeking to build a military that is more professional, technologically advanced, operationally ready and increasingly capable of sustaining itself through domestic production. The transformation reaches across the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), Air Force, Special Operations Command, defense industries, drone production, military research and education, artificial intelligence and the rebuilding of the country's maritime capability. At its core is a strategic proposition: protecting Ethiopia's sovereignty and national interests requires not only soldiers and weapons, but also strong institutions, technology, industrial capacity and human capital capable of sustaining them. ENDF Chief of General Staff Field Marshal Birhanu Jula has described the reform as a historic transformation aimed at strengthening the force's organizational structure, unity, professionalism, readiness and technological capacity. The objective is therefore not simply to increase military hardware, but to change the character and capabilities of the force.   A force adapted to modern warfare The battlefield is changing rapidly. Traditional manpower and conventional weapons remain important, but military effectiveness increasingly depends on information, precision, communications, unmanned systems, artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, electronic warfare and the ability to make decisions rapidly. Ethiopia's reforms are increasingly responding to this reality. In February 2026, Field Marshal Birhanu described the modernized ENDF in terms of quantity, quality and technology, stressing the need to adapt military capabilities to changing technologies and security threats. The technological shift is also becoming institutional. In August 2026, the ENDF signed an agreement with the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute to explore AI applications in logistics, military training, cybersecurity, military healthcare, air operations and electronic warfare. Yet technology alone does not create military strength. It must be matched by trained personnel, effective institutions and operational readiness. Ethiopia's reform therefore also emphasizes professional military education, specialized training, engineering and technical expertise. Readiness at the center The ultimate purpose of a defense force is its ability to respond when national interests are threatened. Field Marshal Birhanu has repeatedly emphasized ENDF readiness amid what Ethiopia describes as a complex and changing security environment. In July 2026, he said reforms had strengthened the force's organizational structure and unity while maintaining a high level of readiness and introducing modern military technology. The Special Operations Command represents another dimension of this approach, with military leadership presenting it as a highly capable force designed for rapid response and proactive action against emerging threats. For Ethiopia, the broader objective is clear: national sovereignty must be protected by a force capable of detecting threats, mobilizing rapidly and responding effectively when national interests are at stake. From buying weapons to building them Perhaps the most important part of Ethiopia's defense transformation is taking place away from the battlefield—in factories, laboratories and engineering facilities. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has increasingly linked defense manufacturing with economic resilience and technological self-reliance. He has said Ethiopia is developing domestic capabilities to manufacture unmanned aerial vehicles, armored military vehicles, heavy weapons, artillery and ammunition. The significance goes beyond the products themselves. Defense manufacturing requires engineers, technicians, researchers, specialized machinery and reliable industrial systems, creating technological capabilities that can strengthen the wider economy.   The Homicho Ammunition Engineering Complex illustrates this trajectory. Its growing production capacity has enabled Ethiopia not only to supply domestic requirements but also to enter foreign markets, with the government reporting ammunition export contracts worth more than 30 million US dollars. The direction is therefore shifting from simply acquiring finished products toward developing the capacity to produce, maintain and improve critical systems domestically. The Air Force and the technology ecosystem The Ethiopian Air Force provides perhaps the clearest example of the transformation. The institution says it has moved from an analog operating environment toward the digital era while expanding aircraft maintenance, upgrading, spare-parts production and unmanned aviation. The significance is that a modern Air Force requires an entire technological ecosystem—pilots, engineers, technicians, maintenance facilities, spare parts, research, communications and digital systems. Ethiopia is increasingly seeking to develop these capabilities locally. The Air Force has reported increased production of components and spare parts while Ethiopian engineers and technicians take greater roles in aircraft maintenance, upgrading and unmanned systems. The objective is therefore not simply to acquire aircraft from abroad, but to develop the knowledge required to operate, maintain, upgrade and eventually develop increasingly sophisticated systems. This also explains the emphasis on human capital. Prime Minister Abiy has stressed that sophisticated aircraft alone cannot create an effective Air Force. Highly trained pilots, engineers, technicians, scientists and commanders are essential to converting technology into military capability.   Drones and artificial intelligence Few developments demonstrate the technological shift more clearly than Ethiopia's growing drone industry. The establishment of SkyWin Aeronautics Industries marked an important step in domestic UAV production. Drones bring together aviation, electronics, sensors, communications, software, data processing and increasingly artificial intelligence. In June 2026, the Information Network Security Administration and the Ethiopian Air Force agreed to establish a Drone Technology Center dedicated to research, innovation and development in unmanned aerial systems. The initiative connects defense requirements with research, laboratories, human-capital development and technology transfer—helping create a domestic technological chain from research and engineering to production and deployment. AI represents the next layer of this transformation. The ENDF's cooperation with the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute is intended to explore AI applications across logistics, training, cybersecurity, military healthcare, air operations and electronic warfare. The broader significance is that Ethiopia's defense modernization is moving beyond hardware toward technologies that can improve how information is collected, processed and used.   Fourth-generation capability, fifth-generation ambition Ethiopia's Air Force ambitions extend further. In January 2026, Prime Minister Abiy said the Ethiopian Air Force had developed fourth-generation combat capability and set an objective of moving toward fifth-generation capability by 2030, alongside plans to double the country's combat-aircraft capacity. These are stated government objectives rather than capabilities already fully achieved. Nevertheless, they demonstrate the direction of Ethiopia's military planning: keeping defense capabilities aligned with rapidly evolving technologies while continuing to invest in the human expertise required to operate them. The transformation therefore cannot be measured only by the number of aircraft acquired, but also by the country's ability to operate, maintain, upgrade and increasingly develop sophisticated systems. Land, air and sea Ethiopia's defense transformation also has a maritime dimension. The country lost direct access to the Red Sea following Eritrea's independence, and the Ethiopian Navy was subsequently disbanded. Its reconstruction now forms part of the country's evolving national security architecture. Vice Admiral Kindu Gezu, Commander-in-Chief of the Ethiopian Navy, has highlighted the changing security environment in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, including piracy, arms trafficking, irregular migration, insurgent networks and geopolitical competition. For Ethiopia, maritime security has implications beyond naval operations. Trade routes, ports, energy supplies, commercial shipping and regional security are all connected to the wider maritime environment. The Navy consequently adds another dimension to the defense transformation, with land, air, cyber and maritime capabilities increasingly forming part of one national security architecture. Building strategic self-reliance Taken together, these developments reveal the broader direction of Ethiopia's defense reform. The ENDF is being reorganized and professionalized. Specialized forces are being developed around rapid response. The Air Force is expanding its digital, maintenance and engineering capabilities. Domestic drone production is emerging. Defense industries are producing ammunition, armored vehicles and other military equipment. AI is being explored for defense applications, while military universities and laboratories are becoming part of technological research and development. The Navy is rebuilding maritime capabilities. Individually, each represents a military reform. Together, they point toward an effort to build strategic self-reliance. A country cannot guarantee the sustainability of its defense capability if every critical component depends on external suppliers. Domestic production does not eliminate the need for international cooperation or foreign technology, but it can strengthen Ethiopia's ability to maintain essential capabilities, respond to emergencies and develop technologies suited to its own requirements. That is the broader bargain emerging from Ethiopia's defense transformation. The objective is not simply to possess modern weapons. It is to create a defense institution capable of using technology effectively, sustaining its equipment, developing its own technical expertise and responding rapidly when national interests are threatened. The deeper story is therefore being written not only on military grounds, but also in aircraft workshops, drone factories, ammunition plants, laboratories, military academies and technology institutes. The soldier remains at the center. But alongside the soldier stands an increasingly important network of pilots, engineers, scientists, technicians, programmers, researchers and manufacturers. Together, they represent a changing conception of military power. For Ethiopia, the emerging objective is a defense force that is professional in structure, ready in operation, technologically capable and increasingly self-reliant in production. In an era when national security is shaped by technology as much as manpower, the ability to build and sustain that capability may become as important as the weapons themselves. Ethiopia's defense transformation is therefore not simply about building a stronger army. It is about building the technological, industrial and human foundations that enable the country to defend its sovereignty and national interests with greater confidence and readiness.
Ethiopia Takes Digital Financial Inclusion to Center Stage at UNGA 81
Sep 24, 2026 8390
Addis Ababa, September 24, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia has placed digital financial inclusion at the center of its development strategy, highlighting the country’s rapid expansion of digital payments, national digital identity and digital public infrastructure as key tools for accelerating progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The message came at a high-level side event held on the margins of the 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA 81) in New York, jointly convened by the Permanent Mission of Ethiopia to the United Nations and the United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF). The event brought together government officials, development partners and private-sector representatives to examine how Ethiopia’s digital transformation is opening new avenues for economic opportunity, enterprise development, productivity and improved livelihoods.   At the heart of the discussions was a broader shift in Ethiopia’s approach: digital finance is increasingly being treated not simply as a financial product, but as part of the country’s foundational economic infrastructure. Welcoming participants, Ethiopia’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Tesfaye Yilma, highlighted the country’s digital transformation journey and the progress made in establishing an ecosystem for digital payments, digital identity and digitally enabled public services. On her part, Minister of Planning and Development Fitsum Assefa, delivering the keynote address, said Ethiopia’s policy frameworks and digital initiatives are positioning financial inclusion as an important catalyst for SDG implementation.   She pointed to Digital Ethiopia 2030, the National Financial Inclusion Strategy, Fayda, interoperable payment systems and BRIDGE 2030 as key pillars of the country’s efforts to build an increasingly integrated digital economy. Ethiopia’s national digital identity system, Fayda, has emerged as a particularly important component of this transformation, providing a foundational platform through which citizens can increasingly access financial and public services. Minister and Advisor to the Prime Minister Getachew Reda underscored the wider economic implications of digital financial inclusion, emphasizing its potential to strengthen economic dynamism, broaden participation and raise productivity. For development partners, the challenge now extends beyond simply connecting people to digital financial services. UNCDF Executive Secretary Pradeep Kurukulasuriya stressed the importance of capital in enabling small businesses and emerging enterprises to invest, expand and create jobs, while drawing attention to persistent financing constraints in developing economies.   Navid Hanif, Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development at the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), meanwhile, commended Ethiopia’s progress and emphasized the wider role of digital transformation and financial inclusion in advancing inclusive and sustainable development. The discussions pointed to a critical next phase for Ethiopia’s digital transformation: moving from access to productive use. That means ensuring that digital financial tools translate into tangible economic gains — enabling businesses to grow, supporting entrepreneurship, expanding access to capital, improving productivity and creating opportunities for people who have traditionally remained outside formal financial systems. The side event also highlighted the importance of taking successful national innovations beyond domestic applications through greater investment, stronger public-private partnerships, South-South cooperation and regional integration. For Ethiopia, the message at UNGA 81 underscored an emerging development model in which digital identity, payments, financial services and public infrastructure are increasingly interconnected as building blocks of economic transformation and SDG delivery, it was learned.
Ethiopia’s E-Mobility Policies Inspire Africa
Sep 23, 2026 9522
Addis Ababa, September 23, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s electric-mobility policies are inspiring other African countries to review and develop their own frameworks for accelerating green transportation, according to Nigerian mobility entrepreneur Damilola Odunlade-Akeju. During the Nordic-Africa EV Summit in Ethiopia, Odunlade-Akeju, founder and CEO of DriveMe Mobility in Nigeria, noted that African cities and countries are increasingly looking to Ethiopia’s policy direction as they review measures to accelerate the adoption of electric mobility. Ethiopia’s experience demonstrates the importance of government policy in creating an environment that supports the expansion of green transportation, particularly as other African countries consider how to structure their own e-mobility sectors. “Government policy will drive the adoption and the advancement of e-mobility across Africa,” Odunlade-Akeju said, emphasizing that clear policy direction is crucial for building confidence among private-sector actors. Policy certainty encourages private companies to invest in electric mobility by providing a clearer framework for market development and long-term participation. Ethiopia’s experience is relevant to other African countries because government policy must be accompanied by measures that support standardization, ensuring that different actors can operate within a coherent e-mobility system. While government policy provides the framework, private-sector initiatives are equally contributing to the development of the sector. The combination of government direction and private-sector initiative is important for accelerating the transition, with appropriate policies ensuring that the emerging sector develops in a coordinated manner. Odunlade-Akeju commented on Addis Ababa’s growing use of electric buses as an example of how green mobility can be incorporated into public transportation. Mass transit can help increase the adoption of electric mobility. Having observed Addis Ababa’s electric buses, he noted that the expansion of electric public transport provides a practical dimension to Ethiopia’s broader e-mobility policy approach. Strengthening understanding and awareness of green transportation, alongside supportive policies and mass-transit solutions, can help African countries advance their transition toward electric mobility. Norwegian Founder and E-Mobility Advisor Jan Tore Gjøby highlighted Ethiopia’s emerging experience, stating that the country should develop solutions suited to its needs while considering their relevance to the wider African market. Gjøby stressed the need for clear roadmaps, requirements, and common standards as Ethiopia expands electric mobility. According to Gjøby, coordinated systems are necessary to ensure that electric vehicles, charging infrastructure, and electricity networks work together effectively.  
Sport
WHO RC76 Participants “Walk the Talk” in Addis Ababa, Championing Healthier Africa
Aug 23, 2026 86081
Addis Ababa, August 23, 2026 (ENA) —Participants of the 76th Session of the World Health Organization (WHO) Regional Committee for Africa (RC76) joined a symbolic health walk on Sunday from the Adwa Victory Memorial to Meskel Square in Addis Ababa. The participants also turned the message of “Walk the Talk” into action while promoting physical activity and healthier lifestyles across Africa. Ethiopia’s Minister of Health Dr. Mekdes Daba, African health ministers, senior government officials, WHO leaders and prominent athletes, including Ethiopian Athletics Federation President Commander Sileshi Sihine, took part in the event. The initiative sought to translate health policies and commitments into practical action by encouraging people to make regular physical activity part of their daily lives and strengthening public awareness about the prevention of non-communicable diseases.   The walk began at the Adwa Victory Memorial, a landmark symbolizing Ethiopia’s historic victory and African resistance to colonialism, and continued through Addis Ababa’s pedestrian routes before concluding at Meskel Square. Organizers emphasized that regular physical activity plays a vital role in reducing the risk of non-communicable diseases, including diabetes, hypertension and cardiovascular diseases, while contributing to healthier and more active communities. The event also highlighted Africa’s collective commitment to improving public health and demonstrated the importance of moving beyond policy discussions toward tangible, everyday health practices. The 76th Session of the WHO Regional Committee for Africa, scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa from August 24 to 28, 2026, will bring together more than 600 delegates, including health ministers and senior officials from the WHO African Region’s 47 member states, global health leaders, development partners, donors and WHO representatives.   Over the five-day session, participants will assess progress toward regional health goals, deliberate on new strategies and resolutions. The session is also anticipated to identify collective actions to strengthen health systems, advance universal health coverage, enhance health security and improve emergency preparedness across the continent. The gathering is expected to serve as a major platform for African countries and global health partners to deepen continental health cooperation and advance practical solutions to Africa’s most pressing health challenges.
National Dialogue Conference to Address Root Causes of Differences through Consultation, Says ENDC Chief
Jul 12, 2026 107172
Addis Ababa, July 12, 2026 (ENA) —The upcoming National Dialogue Conference will serve as a platform to resolve the issues underlying Ethiopia's longstanding differences through peaceful consultation, Chief Commissioner of the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission (ENDC) Professor Mesfin Araya, said. Speaking at a five-kilometer public race organized by the Commission at Meskel Square under the theme "Ethiopia is consulting" today, Professor Mesfin said the country has finalized all preparations for the landmark conference, which is scheduled to begin on July 15, 2026 in Addis Ababa. "The main national consultation conference will be a place where issues that are the source of our differences will be resolved through consultation," he said.   According to the Chief Commissioner, delegates representing communities from every region, all woredas, Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, and Ethiopians living abroad have already arrived in the capital to participate in the conference. He said participants are expected to engage in inclusive and constructive discussions and work toward consensus on recommendations that offer lasting solutions to issues that have fueled differences among Ethiopians. Professor Mesfin described the conference as a historic opportunity to address national challenges through dialogue rather than confrontation.   He also expressed appreciation to security institutions, federal and regional government bodies, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders for their contributions in preparing for what he described as a significant stage in Ethiopia's national dialogue process. Participants in a five-kilometer race also expressed optimism that the conference would help strengthen national unity and foster lasting peace. "There is no problem that cannot be solved through consultation," participant Sherefa Ali said. "I believe the challenges that have persisted in Ethiopia for generations can be addressed through the main consultation conference." He added that such dialogue platforms help build trust between citizens and the government while creating opportunities to work together toward common national goals. Another participant, Gemechisa Waqgari, said the conference represents an important step toward reinforcing peace, unity, solidarity, and democratic values. Participant Tnisae Abebe also voiced hope that the conference would generate practical ideas to address the country's social and economic challenges. The National Dialogue Conference will deliberate on eight broad thematic areas identified during nationwide consultations. The agenda includes nation building, systems of government and governance, the political and electoral system, the status of the federal cities of Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa, religion and state relations, institution building, the rule of law and human rights, socio economic issues including the concerns of farmers and pastoralists, corruption and good governance, as well as peace building.   The five kilometer race was attended by Deputy Chairperson of the House of Peoples' Representatives Standing Committee on Democratic Affairs Azmeraw Andemo, Professor Mesfin Araya, senior government officials, representatives of civil society organizations, and members of the public.
Diplomatic Football Participants Praise Ethiopia’s Heritage and Hospitality
Jun 14, 2026 104817
Addis Ababa, June 14, 2026 (ENA) —Participants in a diplomatic football event held in Addis Ababa have praised Ethiopia’s cultural heritage, historical legacy and warm hospitality. The tournament, organized in anticipation of the 2026 World Cup, brought together diplomatic football teams and invited guests who later toured key historical and cultural sites in the city. The delegation visited the Ethiopian National Museum, the Adwa Victory Memorial and Addis Sport Park, gaining what many described as a deeper appreciation of Ethiopia’s past and present development. Several participants said the experience reshaped their understanding of the country. Gordon Johnson, one of the participants, expressed admiration for what he witnessed during the visit. “The people are so welcoming and friendly. I love the culture,” he said.   He further stated that: “We had a tour of the museum, and the guide showed us hominid fossils recovered in the ’60s, ’70s, and ’90s that date back millions of years.” Johnson said the experience reflected Ethiopia’s deeper historical significance beyond modern perceptions. Cameroonian guest Loic Kovamo also said the visit challenged her previous perceptions of the country. “I am speechless because I didn’t picture Ethiopia like this. It’s a very developed country, and the people are so proud of who they are,” she said, noting, “I’m going back with a lot of pride as an African because I discovered the incredible courage and bravery of the Ethiopian people.” Mark Hayes, one of the visitors, said his expectations were changed after arriving in Addis Ababa.   “You have a perception before you come, but it’s the complete opposite. It’s an amazing country,” he said, adding, “What we do now is go home and tell stories about how good Ethiopia is. I feel like a proud advocate.” He further noted that he intends to share his experience in the United Kingdom, saying he would “educate others in England about what he had seen in Addis Ababa.” Joseph Kirule, who works with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations in Addis Ababa, highlighted the importance of the historical sites visited. “Today we saw different milestones in human civilization that originated here,” he said, adding, “Most importantly, we learned about the Adwa victory. That is a massive milestone that raises our prestige as Africans.”
Ethiopian Airlines Rises as Africa’s Leading Carrier After Decades of Expansion, Success, Says CEO
May 17, 2026 111074
Addis Ababa, May 17, 2026 —Ethiopian Airlines has solidified its position as Africa’s largest and leading airline after years of sustained growth and operational success, the airline’s Group Chief Executive Officer, Mesfin Tasew, said on Sunday. The remarks were made during an 8-kilometer street race organized as part of celebrations marking the airline’s 80th anniversary. Speaking at the event, CEO Mesfin reflected on the airline’s humble beginnings in 1946, when it launched operations with only a small fleet of aircraft.   Since then, he said, the carrier has expanded significantly and now operates one of the continent’s most modern fleets, including advanced aircraft from Boeing and Airbus. According to Tasew, the airline currently serves more than 145 international destinations worldwide and has achieved strong growth across multiple sectors, including cargo transportation, aviation training through the Ethiopian Aviation Academy, and other aviation-related services. He further said the airline’s operational strength and long-term strategic investments have helped make it one of the most preferred carriers in Africa and a major player in the global aviation industry.   As part of commemorating its eight decades of operations, Ethiopian Airlines is holding a series of celebratory events, including the street race, panel discussions, exhibitions, and community outreach programs. The anniversary run attracted senior officials, including Sileshi Sihine, President of the Ethiopian Athletics Federation, alongside airline executives and invited guests. The race began at Pushkin Square, commonly known as Sar Bet, and is set to conclude at Bole International Airport.   Athletes, airline employees, members of the sporting community, and participants from various institutions are taking part in the event.
Environment
IGAD Hails Ethiopia’s Environmental Restoration Efforts as Regional Model
Sep 22, 2026 16230
Addis Ababa, September 22, 2026 (ENA) — The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has commended Ethiopia’s environmental restoration efforts, noting that the country’s experience offers valuable lessons for other member states seeking to strengthen environmental resilience and sustain community livelihoods. IGAD Deputy Executive Secretary Mohamed Abdi Ware highlighted watershed protection, tree planting, land restoration, and water harvesting among Ethiopia’s key environmental initiatives that could help address climate-related challenges across the region. Speaking to ENA on the sidelines of the IGAD Regional High-Level Forum on El Niño Preparedness for the Horn of Africa, held in Addis Ababa from September 15 to 17, 2026, Ware described Ethiopia’s environmental restoration efforts as very encouraging. “These things that Ethiopia has shown to be a leader really contribute not only to preventing problems in the short term, but will contribute to the long-term health of our environment,” Ware said. He said restoring degraded land, protecting watersheds, planting trees and harvesting water can improve communities’ access to clean water and productive land while reducing the risks of landslides and other environmental hazards, particularly in hilly and mountainous areas. According to Ware, such measures can also help reduce environmentally driven migration and displacement by strengthening communities’ resilience to climate related pressures. He further emphasized that environmental restoration has benefits that extend beyond ecological protection, noting that healthy ecosystems can support sustainable livelihoods and improve the economic wellbeing of communities. Ware said IGAD’s mandate includes facilitating the exchange of knowledge and experiences among member states, enabling countries to learn from successful initiatives implemented elsewhere in the region. In this regard, he identified Ethiopia’s environmental experience as an example that other IGAD member states could study and adapt to their own circumstances. He also noted that Kenya is undertaking significant environmental restoration initiatives. He said expanding such efforts across the region could strengthen environmental resilience while supporting sustainable livelihoods and reducing communities’ vulnerability to climate related shocks. Ware’s remarks came as the IGAD Regional High-Level Forum on El Niño Preparedness for the Horn of Africa brought together member states and stakeholders to strengthen regional preparedness and anticipatory action against climate related risks.
Ethiopia’s Renewable Energy, EV Transition Attracts Nordic Investment Interest
Sep 22, 2026 9966
Addis Ababa, September 21, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s vast renewable energy resources and rapid shift toward electric mobility are drawing growing interest from Nordic investors and technology companies, according to industry stakeholders. The remark was made on the sidelines of the Nordic Africa EV Summit, held in Ethiopia from September 14 to 16, which brought together regional and international stakeholders to discuss electric mobility, charging infrastructure, and investment opportunities. Hosaena A. Samuel, CEO and co-founder of Easy Power, a Norwegian firm and Ethiopia’s first private electric vehicle charging operator, noted that Nordic investors are particularly focused on the country’s accelerating EV adoption and high potential for clean energy. According to Hosaena, more than 20 Nordic financiers engaged with Ethiopian officials and industry leaders during the summit to explore potential investments in grid reliability and EV charging infrastructure. The interest also extends to Nordic technology and technical expertise, which could help build resilient charging networks. She noted that Nordic partners were particularly impressed by Ethiopia’s bold policy decision to phase out internal combustion engine vehicles in favor of electric mobility, backed by its rich renewable resources. Nordic countries have extensive experience in developing EV charging infrastructure and reliable electricity systems, Hosaena said, adding that this expertise could offer valuable lessons as Ethiopia expands its national charging grid. She highlighted the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and major wind power projects as key drivers drawing Nordic attention. Beyond infrastructure, she emphasized that Ethiopia’s expanding EV market opens strong avenues for technology transfer and bilateral investment. Echoing this sentiment, Kumeel Alsmail, Nokia’s Head of Industrial Solutions for the Middle East and Africa, noted that Africa’s growing EV ecosystem will unlock further opportunities for digital and technological cooperation between African nations and Nordic firms. Speaking to ENA on the sidelines of the event, Alsmail emphasized that reliable connectivity will be critical to powering EV charging networks, especially as nations work toward regional electric mobility corridors. He highlighted prospective corridors connecting Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Kenya, noting that these routes could support both passenger vehicles and electric heavy-duty transport. Alsmail stated that Nokia sees strong opportunities to supply digital connectivity solutions for charging networks, while stressing that Ethiopia’s growing renewable generation capacity must be paired with robust transmission and distribution systems. The summit highlighted the vital intersection of renewable energy, electric mobility, digital connectivity, and infrastructure, with participants agreeing that cross-border technology partnerships and private investment will be essential to driving Africa’s clean energy transition.
President Taye Urges Global Shift from Renewable Generation to Electricity Delivery
Sep 21, 2026 20434
Addis Ababa, September 21, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s President Taye Atske Selassie called for a fundamental shift in the global renewable-energy agenda—from simply expanding power generation to building the grids, storage, financing and productive systems needed to turn clean electricity into economic transformation. Addressing the “Delivering Electrify Now” High-Level Leaders Dialogue of the Global Renewables Summit in New York, President Taye said countries endowed with abundant renewable resources need stronger international support to convert their energy potential into reliable electricity access, industrial growth and inclusive prosperity. “Generation without grids, storage and robust utility capacity cannot drive economic transformation,” the President said, stressing that international financing must support the entire electricity value chain—from generation and transmission to distribution, storage and last-mile connections. The Global Renewables Summit, held during Climate Week NYC alongside the UN General Assembly, is bringing together political leaders, businesses, investors and international institutions to accelerate renewable-powered electrification and address the infrastructure and investment barriers slowing the energy transition.   President Taye said Ethiopia brings substantial renewable-energy potential to the global discussion, with more than 95 percent of its installed generation capacity coming from renewable sources. He highlighted the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and other renewable-energy investments as key foundations for expanding electricity access and powering the country’s industrialization. He outlined three interconnected priorities for Ethiopia: expanding and diversifying renewable generation, with installed capacity targeted to reach up to 14,000 MW by 2030 and non-hydro renewables accounting for at least 15 percent; using clean and affordable electricity to strengthen industrial competitiveness, including through industrial parks; and pursuing macroeconomic and energy-sector reforms to attract greater private investment, including increased private-sector participation in transmission and distribution. But the President emphasized that finance remains the critical link between renewable-energy potential and actual development. He called for more bankable projects supported by public resources and international partners, including the World Bank, African Development Bank and the European Union through Global Gateway. Particular attention, he said, should go to transmission infrastructure, substations, grid reinforcement, reconductoring and last-mile connections.   President Taye cited Ethiopia’s experience financing the GERD through domestic resources and broad public mobilization as an example of the importance of national ownership and commitment. At the same time, he stressed that international financial cooperation remains essential for developing countries seeking to build modern, reliable and interconnected electricity systems. He expressed appreciation for international support to Ethiopia’s power sector, including the European Union’s RISED programme, as well as assistance from the World Bank and African Development Bank in modernizing, rehabilitating and digitalizing electricity infrastructure. The President also warned that the global energy transition cannot deliver its full promise if renewable investment remains concentrated in a limited number of wealthy regions. For developing countries, he said, the ambition must go beyond generating renewable power: from energy potential to electricity access, from access to productive use, and from productive use to industrialization and job creation.   As Ethiopia prepares to host COP32 in Addis Ababa in 2027, President Taye said the country will work to help ensure that global climate and renewable-energy commitments translate into concrete implementation across Africa. His message comes as the international renewable-energy agenda increasingly focuses not only on expanding generation but also on scaling grids, storage and electrification to make clean power usable across economies.
Anticipated El Niño Threat Now a Question of Action, Not Prediction: IGAD
Sep 19, 2026 21198
Addis Ababa, September 19, 2026 (ENA) — With forecasts pointing to an El Niño event in December, IGAD says the priority has shifted from prediction to preparedness. El Niño is a climate phenomenon associated with unusual warming of Pacific Ocean waters. Speaking to ENA on the sidelines of the IGAD Regional High-Level Forum on El Niño Preparedness for the Horn of Africa, held in Addis Ababa from September 15 to 17, 2026, IGAD Deputy Executive Secretary Mohamed Abdi Ware stressed the need for urgent action based on scientific forecasts. “We are saying it's not a question of if, it's a question of ‘what do we do now?’” he said, underscoring the importance of timely preparedness. He also expressed confidence in the accuracy of climate information provided by the IGAD Climate Prediction and Applications Centre (ICPAC), noting that the previous May forecast was “almost exactly as predicted.” That confidence, he said, should encourage governments and other stakeholders to act early rather than wait for the impacts to unfold. The consequences, he noted, extend far beyond climate statistics, affecting people, livelihoods and communities across the region. Possible impacts include reduced grazing access for pastoral communities, livestock diseases, crops rotting in fields before harvest, damaged infrastructure and isolated communities. “These are not just figures. These are real people and real communities that will be impacted by this phenomenon,” he said. Presentations from IGAD member states showed that countries are already taking steps to prepare for the anticipated impacts, he said, adding that each state must tailor its measures to the specific risks it faces. ICPAC’s regional climate outlook has forecast wetter-than-normal conditions across much of the Greater Horn of Africa during the October–December 2026 season, with excessive rainfall expected to heighten the risk of flooding, crop losses and damage to critical infrastructure. The response will require financing to ensure that preparedness measures are implemented before the impacts materialize. “These activities will need financing,” he said, calling on development partners and finance ministries in IGAD member states to work with national disaster risk management agencies to mobilize local resources. Such resources would help countries take timely measures to protect vulnerable communities, he added. “After all, it is our people that will be impacted,” he said. Beyond preparedness, IGAD will continue facilitating knowledge and experience sharing among member states to strengthen climate-risk responses. Countries with effective response measures can offer lessons for others in the region and help scale up successful approaches, he said. Coordinated action among member states is essential, he added, because the anticipated impacts will affect countries and communities differently. Reliable scientific forecasts, he said, give the region an opportunity to move from reacting after disasters strike to taking timely action based on early warning. The immediate priority is to translate scientific information into practical preparedness measures capable of protecting people, livelihoods and communities from the anticipated El Niño impacts.
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Ethiopian Diaspora Demand Egypt to Change Counterproductive Posture on GERD
Apr 4, 2023 247043
Addis Ababa April 4/2023 (ENA) Ethiopians in the Diaspora have called on Egypt to change its counterproductive posture and find mutually beneficial agreements on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). In a statement the diaspora issued yesterday, they noted that Ethiopia is the main source of the Nile by contributing 86 percent of the water to the Nile basin states while utilizing less than 1 percent of the potential for hydroelectric power. Ethiopians are currently building the GERD on the Blue Nile that is financed entirely by Ethiopians and is a crucial project for the country's development as it will provide clean, renewable energy and lift millions out of poverty. About 65 percent of the 122 million of Ethiopia's population have no access to any form of electricity. The much-needed electricity will facilitate economic growth for Ethiopia and the region, the statement elaborated. The dam will promote regional cooperation and integration while offering opportunity for eleven countries of the Nile Basin to work together to manage the river's resources more efficiently and effectively, it added. The GERD is being built with the highest environmental and technical standards to achieve the objectives of the national electrification program and the execution of Ethiopia’s Climate-Resilient Green Economy Strategy. According to the statement, Ethiopia has provided scientific evidence and expert testimonies that GERD will not significantly affect the flow of water downstream, and provided compelling arguments for the need for equitable use of the Nile's resources by all countries in the region. The diaspora further said they understand that the GERD has raised concerns in Egypt about the downstream effects on the Nile's flow and water availability since Egyptians have been misinformed about the GERD for many years. But on the contrary, the dam will provide several benefits to Egypt and Sudan, including increased water flow during dry seasons and decreased flooding events. “We want to assure Egyptians that Ethiopians are committed to fair and equitable use of the Nile's waters without harming our downstream neighbors. We recognize that the Nile River is a shared resource, and we support finding a mutually beneficial solution.” As Ethiopians in the Diaspora, we reiterate our support for fair and equitable use of the Nile River and call on the Egyptian people and Egyptian Diaspora to question the misinformation about the GERD in Egypt's mainstream media and embrace the spirit of friendship and cooperation by understanding that the GERD is a project of great national importance to Ethiopians that will benefit Egyptians by ensuring a reliable and predictable supply of water, that Ethiopians have the right to use their water resources for the development of its people and economy, in accordance with the principles of equitable and reasonable utilization without causing significant harm. Efforts to destabilize Ethiopia by the regime in Egypt, will indeed affect the historical and diplomatic relations dating back to several thousand years, the long-term interest of the Egyptian people and make Ethiopians less trusting in cooperating on the GERD and future hydropower projects on the Nile, they warned. The diaspora groups urged Egyptian leaders to engage in constructive dialogue with the leaders of Ethiopia regarding the GERD and steer away from their counterproductive posture of calling for a “binding agreement” on the GERD filling and the subsequent operations as an imposing instrument on water sharing that Ethiopians will never accept. The GERD can be a source of cooperation and collaboration between our two countries rather than a source of conflict, they underscored. "Ethiopians believe that, through dialogue and understanding, peaceful and equitable agreements that benefit all parties involved can be realized to build a brighter future for all people in the Nile basin. Belligerent positions by Egyptian leaders stating ‘all options are open’ are contrary to the spirit of the 2015 Declaration of Principles signed by Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt." According to the statement, such postures will surely harm Egypt's long-term interest and impede trustful cooperation with the Ethiopian people and government. They asked Arab League and its member states to refrain from interfering in the issue of the GERD, which is the sole concern of the three riparian countries (Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt) and their shared regional organization (the African Union), which is mediating the talks to find ‘African Solutions to African Problems.’ The issues remaining on the table at the trilateral negotiations under the auspices of the African Union are being narrowed to a handful of critical matters on equity and justice, on which the Arab league nations have no business or legal right to be involved.
Africa’s Sustainable Growth Hinges on Science, Technology and Innovation: Experts
Mar 3, 2023 243956
Addis Ababa March 3/2023/ENA/ Achieving the ambitious targets of the 2030 and 2063 Agendas of Africa requires leveraging the power of science, technology, and innovation (STI), according to experts. A press release issued by the ECA stated experts at the Ninth African Regional Forum on Sustainable Development have emphasized the crucial role of STI as a key driver and enabler for ensuring economic growth, improving well-being, mitigating the effects of climate change, and safeguarding the environment. They also underscored the need to strengthen national and regional STI ecosystems by fostering innovation, promoting entrepreneurship, and investing in research and development. By doing so, the experts said that Africa can harness the potential of STI to accelerate its socio-economic progress and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030 and the African Union's Agenda by 2063. The session, held on 2 March 2023, builds on the recommendations of the Fifth African Science, Technology, and Innovation Forum, which accentuates the central role of STI and digitalization during the COVID-19 pandemic and the need for the necessary infrastructures for the development of STI, plans, and policies that are action-oriented towards strengthening its full implantation. The experts highlighted that despite advances in STI, significant gaps remain in bridging the scientific and technological divide between developed countries and Africa. The highly uneven global distribution of scientific capacity and access to knowledge threatens to derail the goal of leaving no one behind, which is the central and transformative promise of Agenda 2030. “We need a clear political will from governments to ensure science, technology, and innovation is a reality. By doing so our education systems will be capacitated to deliver knowledge that is vital to solving Africa’s sustainability challenges,” Niger Higher Education and Research Minister Mamoudou Djibo said. The strategy includes the establishment of universities as centers for excellence and investments in education, technical competencies, and training in the fields of science, technology, research, and innovation. These initiatives are crucial in accelerating progress towards achieving global goals. However, in order to fully leverage the potential of STI, significant investments in research and development are required. National systems also need to be strengthened, Namibia Information and Communication Technologies Deputy Minister Emma Theophilus, stated adding that “strengthening our national systems for STI is a key game changer for rapid structural transformation in Africa. Leveraging the digital transformation can achieve a stronger, smarter, and more inclusive recovery.” Emerging evidence suggests that an STI and digital Africa can be a springboard to accelerate the implementation of the SDGs and fulfill the aspirations of Agenda 2063.
Feature Article
Ethiopia’s Diplomatic Momentum—From Regional Weight to Global Reach
Sep 27, 2026 920
By Staff Writer Sept. 27, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia’s diplomacy is entering a new era—less confined to traditional political relations and increasingly driven by economic interests, strategic partnerships and a wider global footprint. Over the past eight years, Ethiopia has significantly broadened the arenas in which it engages the world. From Addis Ababa’s role as the diplomatic capital of Africa to its entry into BRICS, from the Pretoria peace process to the Ankara Declaration, from renewed WTO negotiations to a seat on the UN Human Rights Council, Ethiopia has expanded the platforms through which it seeks to shape regional and international affairs. The story is not about one diplomatic breakthrough. It is about the widening of Ethiopia’s diplomatic space. From Addis Ababa to BRICS One of the clearest symbols of this expansion is Ethiopia’s entry into BRICS. At the Johannesburg Summit in August 2023, BRICS leaders invited Ethiopia to become a full member, with membership taking effect on January 1, 2024. For Addis Ababa, BRICS opened another channel to engage major emerging economies and participate in discussions spanning politics and security, economic and financial cooperation, and people-to-people relations. More importantly, the move reflected a broader diplomatic strategy: diversification. Ethiopia has sought to deepen relations simultaneously with African partners, emerging economies, Western countries, Gulf states and Asian powers rather than allowing its international engagement to depend on a narrow circle of partners. Diplomacy With an Economic Purpose Perhaps the most important change has been the growing weight of economic diplomacy. Foreign policy is increasingly being connected to investment, trade, tourism, technology, infrastructure and market access. Diplomatic missions are expected not only to represent Ethiopia politically, but also to help connect the country with capital, markets and commercial opportunities. That shift mirrors Ethiopia’s own economic transformation. As the country seeks greater export capacity, investment and industrial development, diplomacy increasingly becomes an economic instrument. The embassy is no longer only a political bridge; it is increasingly part of the economic bridge. Regional Diplomacy Under Strategic Pressure Ethiopia’s geographic position makes regional diplomacy unavoidable. The country sits at the intersection of the Horn of Africa, the Nile Basin and the Red Sea, where security, trade, migration, infrastructure and political interests overlap. The Ankara Declaration with Somalia in December 2024 demonstrated the role of dialogue in addressing difficult regional questions. Ethiopia and Somalia reaffirmed respect for each other’s sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity and agreed to pursue cooperation toward shared prosperity. The significance extends beyond one declaration. It illustrates Ethiopia’s attempt to keep contentious regional questions within diplomatic channels while pursuing its strategic and economic interests. From Conflict Management to African Diplomacy Pretoria put Ethiopia at the center of one of Africa’s most consequential peace efforts. But even under the scrutiny of African and international mediators, the TPLF repeatedly came under fire for actions that threatened to undermine the commitments of the agreement—exposing the difficult path from a signed peace deal to durable stability. The broader lesson is that Ethiopia’s diplomatic weight is not derived only from its size or geographic position. It also comes from its role in continental institutions. Addis Ababa hosts the African Union headquarters, making the city a permanent meeting point for African leaders, diplomats and international organizations. That institutional position gives Ethiopia a distinctive platform from which to engage debates on peace, security, development and continental integration. A Seat at the Global Table Ethiopia’s election to the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025–2027 term further expanded its multilateral presence. The UN General Assembly elected Ethiopia among 18 members on October 9, 2024; the Council consists of 47 states. Such positions provide Ethiopia with additional opportunities to participate directly in international policymaking and multilateral diplomacy. The significance is therefore not simply symbolic. Representation creates another diplomatic channel through which Ethiopia can present its positions, negotiate interests and participate in shaping international discussions. The WTO Door Is Opening Wider Ethiopia’s long-running WTO accession process has also regained momentum. The WTO said in September 2025 that the process had entered a “decisive phase.” By April 2026, the organization described the negotiations as having reached a “decisive juncture,” with Ethiopia reporting further domestic reforms and continued engagement with WTO members. The accession process matters because it connects diplomacy directly to the structure of Ethiopia’s economy. Joining the multilateral trading system would deepen Ethiopia’s engagement with global markets while requiring continued reforms to trade-related institutions and regulations. In this sense, WTO diplomacy is not simply about Geneva.It is about transforming how Ethiopia trades with the world. The Red Sea Enters the Diplomatic Equation Few issues demonstrate the changing character of Ethiopian diplomacy more clearly than the Red Sea. For a landlocked country whose economy depends heavily on maritime trade, developments around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb have direct economic and strategic consequences. Maritime connectivity has consequently moved higher on Ethiopia’s diplomatic agenda. The issue intersects with trade, logistics, regional security and economic integration, bringing Ethiopia into discussions that extend well beyond its borders. The Red Sea question therefore illustrates the central feature of Ethiopia’s evolving diplomacy: national economic interests and regional strategy are becoming increasingly intertwined. A Wider Circle of Partners Ethiopia’s engagement with China, India, Russia, the United States, European countries and Gulf states has developed alongside its relationships with African neighbors and its participation in BRICS. The objective is not necessarily to choose one geopolitical camp. It is to expand Ethiopia’s room for diplomatic and economic engagement. That wider network gives Addis Ababa more channels for cooperation in investment, infrastructure, trade, technology, security and development. The result is a foreign policy increasingly built around multiple partnerships rather than a single diplomatic axis. The Real Test Begins Now Yet diplomatic expansion is not an end in itself. The coming years will determine whether Ethiopia can convert diplomatic access into concrete economic opportunities, stronger regional connectivity, expanded investment, deeper trade and durable partnerships. Memberships, declarations, elections and summits create platforms. What matters next is what Ethiopia builds on those platforms. The past eight years have nevertheless marked a notable expansion of Ethiopia’s diplomatic reach. BRICS has opened another global platform. The Human Rights Council has strengthened its multilateral presence. Pretoria demonstrated the potential of African-led diplomacy. Ankara created a framework for renewed engagement with Somalia. WTO negotiations have gained fresh momentum. Economic diplomacy has become increasingly central to foreign policy, while the Red Sea has emerged as a strategic priority. Consequently, these developments point to a broader transformation. Ethiopia is no longer approaching diplomacy simply as a means of maintaining relationships. It is increasingly using diplomacy to pursue markets, partnerships, connectivity, security and national development. From the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa to the BRICS table, from regional peace initiatives to global trade negotiations, Ethiopia’s diplomatic map has expanded considerably. The next chapter will be defined not by how many doors Ethiopia has opened, but by how effectively it turns those openings into lasting national and regional gains.
Ethiopia and the Red Sea: The Inevitable Return to a Historic Connection
Sep 27, 2026 1530
By Neway Abay S. Ethiopia has never truly been a stranger to the Red Sea. Long before modern borders redrew the map of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopian civilization was connected to the Red Sea through trade, diplomacy and coastal gateways linking the highlands with Arabia, the Mediterranean and the wider Indian Ocean world. That historic connection was eventually severed. But geography was not. Today, Ethiopia is a country of more than 130 million people, one of Africa’s largest economies and a major economic center in the Horn of Africa—yet it remains without a coastline. For decades, its international trade has depended heavily on neighboring ports, particularly Djibouti. The World Bank continues to describe Djibouti as Ethiopia’s primary maritime gateway, while recent assessments underline how disruptions along the corridor can translate directly into higher logistics costs and economic pressure inside Ethiopia. That reality has turned maritime access from a historical question into a contemporary economic, security and strategic one. Geography Cannot Be Negotiated Away Ethiopia’s loss of direct access to the sea did not erase its geographic position. The country remains at the center of the Horn of Africa, immediately adjoining one of the world’s most consequential maritime regions. The Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and Bab el-Mandeb connect Africa with the Middle East, Asia and Europe and disruptions there can reverberate through global trade, energy markets and supply chains. For Ethiopia, the consequences are particularly direct.   A landlocked economy of this scale cannot treat maritime connectivity as a peripheral concern. Every container entering or leaving the country ultimately depends on a corridor connecting the interior to the coast. The current system has created an important economic relationship with Djibouti, but it has also exposed the structural vulnerability of relying overwhelmingly on a single maritime gateway. The Addis-Djibouti corridor remains vital to Ethiopian trade, while the World Bank notes that disruptions and inefficiencies along the wider logistics chain can affect businesses and consumers. The question, therefore, is no longer whether Ethiopia is interested in the sea. It is how a country of Ethiopia’s demographic and economic weight can build reliable, diversified and sustainable maritime connectivity. Most importantly, the rapidly shifting political and military dynamics in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa have made sovereign sea access not merely desirable for Ethiopia, but increasingly unavoidable. The Red Sea Is No Longer Just a Trade Route The strategic importance of the Red Sea has become impossible to ignore. The Bab el-Mandeb is a critical maritime chokepoint. Recent disruptions have demonstrated how quickly insecurity at sea can become an economic problem on land, raising freight costs, extending shipping times and disrupting supply chains. UN Trade and Development has recently warned that renewed disruptions around Bab el-Mandeb are creating longer routes, higher fuel consumption, greater costs and additional pressure on global trade. For Ethiopia, this creates a striking paradox. Although the country has no coastline, instability along the Red Sea can affect its economy directly.   Ethiopia therefore has a substantial stake in the security of a maritime space in which it currently has limited direct presence. This is why the Red Sea question cannot be reduced to the search for a port. It is about connectivity, economic security and regional stability. From a Port to a Corridor Ethiopia’s maritime ambition makes greater sense when viewed not as a search for a single coastal facility, but as part of a much larger economic corridor. A functioning maritime connection would link the coast to Ethiopia’s roads, railways, dry ports, industrial parks, agricultural production centers and consumer markets. The objective would not simply be to move containers andiIt would be to move an economy. That distinction matters. A port without an efficient inland network is only a point on a map. A port connected to production, manufacturing, agriculture and regional markets becomes an engine of economic integration. Ethiopia’s experience with the Djibouti corridor already demonstrates the importance of this wider system. The World Bank’s recent work on Modjo Dry Port, for example, highlights how improvements in inland logistics can reduce processing delays and strengthen Ethiopia’s links to international markets. The next stage of Ethiopia’s maritime thinking can therefore be understood as the search for multiple corridors, multiple gateways and greater resilience. Economic Security Is Maritime Security The Red Sea has also exposed another reality: maritime security and economic security are increasingly inseparable. When shipping routes are threatened, insurance costs rise. When vessels divert around dangerous waters, delivery times increase. When freight costs rise, the consequences eventually reach factories, farmers, traders and households far from the coastline.   Ethiopia does not need to be a coastal country to experience these consequences. Indeed, its landlocked position makes reliable maritime access even more important. A diversified maritime strategy could give Ethiopia greater resilience against disruptions while creating additional opportunities for trade, investment and industrial development. It could also strengthen the economic interests that Ethiopia shares with its coastal neighbors. A Return to the Sea Need Not Mean a Return to Rivalry There is another dimension to Ethiopia’s maritime question that deserves greater attention. Access to the sea does not necessarily have to become another source of regional competition. It can become an instrument of regional integration. A port serving Ethiopian trade can generate business for a coastal state. A road or railway linking the interior to the coast can connect multiple economies. Industrial and logistics zones can create jobs and investment on both sides of a border. In that sense, Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations can be framed not simply as a national demand, but as part of a broader Horn of Africa economic equation. The region has spent decades treating geography as a source of strategic rivalry. It can also treat geography as an opportunity for integration. Ethiopia’s Maritime Question Is Growing, Not Fading Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly underscored that Ethiopia’s desire for sea access in terms of geography, economic necessity, dialogue and mutually beneficial cooperation rather than military expansion. The Ethiopian government has stated that the country’s demographic and economic scale makes dependable maritime connectivity an important national interest. That argument sits within a broader reality. Ethiopia is not the same country it was three decades ago. Its population and economy have expanded. Its trade ambitions have grown. Its industrial and agricultural production is becoming more integrated with international markets. And its exposure to disruptions along global shipping routes is increasing. The maritime question will therefore become more—not less—important as Ethiopia’s economy expands. The revival of attention to maritime affairs, including the re-establishment of the Ethiopian Navy in 2018, reflects this broader strategic shift. But the ultimate objective need not be the projection of power. It can be the protection of economic interests, participation in regional maritime security and the creation of durable commercial links between the Ethiopian interior and the global economy. The Geography of the Future The central fact remains remarkably simple: Ethiopia’s landlocked status is a historical tragedy shaped by external forces and political decisions made during a turbulent period—decisions that profoundly altered the country’s relationship with the sea. Yet the giant nation has never truly been disconnected from the Red Sea. Its economy depends on maritime trade. Its security environment is shaped by the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb. Its geographic position places it at the heart of the Horn of Africa. And its growing population and economy make dependable access to international trade routes increasingly consequential. The challenge, therefore, is not to recreate history exactly as it was. It is to build a new relationship with the sea suited to the realities of the 21st century. That means ports—but also corridors. It means trade—but also security. It means national interest—but also regional cooperation.   And above all, it means recognizing that the Red Sea is not a distant body of water separated from Ethiopia by political boundaries. It is part of the strategic geography in which Ethiopia’s future is being shaped. For a country whose civilization has been connected to the Red Sea for centuries, the renewed search for maritime connectivity is not simply a journey backward into history. It is Ethiopia looking toward the future and back toward the sea.
Ethiopian News Agency
2023