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Why Does Red Sea Security Need Ethiopia?
Sep 15, 2026 781
With analysis from Pulse of Africa (POA) By Mahder Nesibu Sept. 15, 2026 The Red Sea, a narrow waterway connecting the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean, has in recent years come under heavy insecurity. The prevalence of armed groups around the waterway, compounded by threats such as piracy, has undermined its reliability, despite it handling around 13 percent of global shipping. This threat has now come under the spotlight. When war broke out between Iran on one side and Israel and the United States on the other, a similar waterway, the Persian Gulf, and the chokepoint connecting it to the Indian Ocean, came to be weaponised, with Tehran effectively choking a passage that handles 25 percent of the world's oil and gas output. The same weaponisation became visible at Bab-el-Mandeb, the chokepoint of the Red Sea, when Yemen's Houthis, who control the country's north bordering the chokepoint, declared a blockade against Israel in March 2025, partly motivated by their alignment with Iran. The rebels have since extended that blockade to Saudi Arabia, with whom they have been at war for over a decade, a conflict paused by a truce in 2022. Just last week, A blitzkrieg offensive by Houthi forces over the past week has shattered the regional status quo, placing the strategic Bab al-Mandeb Strait firmly under their control. Sweeping down Yemen’s western coast with relentless momentum, the forces have completely overrun Saudi-backed government positions, meeting virtually zero resistance along the way. Saudi is said to have launched counter offensives with sorties targeting Houthis’ positions. The situation remains fluid. Saudi ships, like Israeli ones, have become targets for the Houthis, compounding the insecurity the waterway has been witnessing. On top of that, piracy, primarily emanating from the Somali coast, continues to pose a threat. Although thought to have decreased in frequency, piracy on Bab-el-Mandeb and the Red Sea appears to be resurging. The New York Times reported in late August that the pattern points to a possible resurgence, with 2026 alone seeing 17 piracy-related incidents documented. Although Israeli and Saudi shipping, alongside international cargo, are coming under direct attack, the effects of this insecurity are more structural. According to Reuters, shipping across the Red Sea has declined by as much as 60 percent since 2023, when the Houthi weaponisation of the chokepoint began, and has not effectively recovered since. These figures translate into greater costs for shipping and slower traffic, as ships are diverted through the Cape of Good Hope route along southern Africa, adding extra days at sea and additional fuel costs. For countries served through the Red Sea itself, this has meant greater volatility in their trade. Beyond the added costs of moving ships through the sea, it means living with the risk of disruption, particularly for essentials such as oil and gas. This has been the case for countries in the Horn of Africa and the Persian Gulf, whose supply lines have been subject to disruption. Moves to secure the Red Sea and Bab-el-Mandeb have largely been futile, falling short of a comprehensive and cohesive plan to meet the challenge, as geopolitical competition within the Middle East and the Horn of Africa has undermined such efforts. One country that has been making efforts to secure the Red Sea is Ethiopia. The Horn of Africa state, the largest in the region by both population and economy, has been trying to establish a security presence on the waterway to help address the prevailing insecurity. Ethiopia relies on Djibouti, the country on the African side of Bab-el-Mandeb, for more than 85 percent of its maritime affairs, and its imposed landlocked status has limited its ability to contribute to addressing a security dilemma that carries consequences for its own economy and stability, as well as those of its neighbours. This, alongside historical realities and demographic concerns, has formed the foundation of the country's case for a return to the Red Sea. Access to the sea has been treated as a primary issue of national interest by the majority Ethiopians for long —an issue that received greater prominence particularly since 2018, when the administration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power. Alongside launching a diplomatic push, Ethiopia also revived its navy that same year, effectively declaring its strong interest in reestablishing a security presence on the Red Sea. The Ethiopian Navy was a major actor in Red Sea affairs for decades. Established in 1955, it is older than most naval security institutions in the region, including Saudi Arabia's, which was launched in 1960. It had been a pillar of Red Sea security for decades and was only disbanded in 1996, following Eritrea's secession from Ethiopia in 1991. Now revived, it offers to contribute to maritime security and help address the growing dilemma facing the Middle East and the Horn of Africa. Speaking at the 4th Annual Red Sea and Gulf of Aden Dialogue this April, Commander-in-Chief of the Ethiopian Navy Kindu Gezu stated that Ethiopia's bid was also "for the common benefit of the region", adding that "inclusivity strengthens legitimacy and fosters shared interests in security and connectivity". For the region, and for those affected by insecurity in the Red Sea, it is worth considering what an increased Ethiopian role could contribute. For Djibouti, Yemen and Saudi Arabia, and also to superpowers with footholds on the region, the case for backing Ethiopia's return to the sea is a reasonable one on maritime security grounds. Writing for the Middle Eastern outlet MEMRI, Morocco expert Anna Mahjar-Barducci made the case for Ethiopia's access to the sea on similar security grounds, arguing that the United States, a global power that considers Red Sea security a strategic priority, should back Ethiopia, as the country could play a critical role in securing the waterway. The Middle East and the Horn of Africa face the same strategic considerations. Strategic competition aside, states in the region now have to treat maritime security as a matter of permanent concern. Ultimately, the solution rests on inclusive mechanisms that pool together available resources, including those Ethiopia can offer. Ethiopia’s return to the Red Sea could strengthen regional security.
Egypt Must Align Its Nile Strategies with the Realities of 21st Century
Sep 15, 2026 5208
Abay/Nile Waters at the Intersection of Ethiopia- Egypt Relations   Sept. 15, 2026 (ENA) By Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka (PHD) Background The Nile is one of the world’s great transboundary river systems, shared by eleven riparian countries. Egypt and Sudan are the principal downstream states with virtually no contribution to the flow of the Nile. The Nile’s waters originate in the upstream countries, Ethiopia being the source of the Blue Nile. The Blue Nile, originating in the Ethiopian highlands, contributes 86% share of the Nile’s annual flow. For centuries, the utilization of Nile waters has been a source of tension between upstream and downstream countries. Historical circumstances, colonial legacies and competing interpretations of rights over the river have contributed to a pattern of mistrust that has often prevented the emergence of a genuinely cooperative basin-wide framework. Egypt, in particular, has developed and maintained an entrenched position concerning the allocation and utilization of the Nile waters. Its continued emphasis on what it describes as “historical rights” and on agreements concluded during periods when most upstream countries were not parties to the negotiations has made it difficult to establish a framework based on contemporary principles of international water law, particularly equitable and reasonable utilization and the obligation to cooperate. The 1959 Agreement between Egypt and Sudan is a particularly important example. The agreement allocated the entire estimated Nile flow between the two downstream countries without the participation of the other riparian states, including Ethiopia, the source of the Blue Nile. It is difficult to envisage how such an arrangement could provide a sustainable basis for managing a shared trans boundary resource in the twenty-first century. The fundamental issue, therefore, is not whether Egypt has legitimate interests in the Nile. It unquestionably does. The question is whether those interests can legitimately be pursued at the expense of the equally legitimate interests of the other riparian states. Why Egypt Needs a New Nile Strategy for the 21st Century? Egypt’s heavy dependence on the Nile is a reality that Ethiopia fully understands. But dependence does not confer a monopoly over a shared international watercourse. The challenge is to reconcile Egypt’s legitimate water-security concerns with the development aspirations and rights of the upstream countries. The twenty-first century has transformed the political, economic and technological circumstances of the Nile Basin. Population growth, climate change, food insecurity, energy demands, economic development and changing patterns of regional cooperation have fundamentally altered the context in which Nile waters must be managed. It is therefore neither realistic nor sustainable to approach the Nile exclusively through the prism of historical allocations. The river must increasingly be viewed as a shared resource whose sustainable management requires cooperation, dialogue, scientific evidence and equitable utilization. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) represents perhaps the clearest manifestation of this changing reality. The GERD has demonstrated Ethiopia’s growing capacity to mobilize domestic resources and undertake major infrastructure projects in pursuit of its national development objectives. Whatever one’s position on the dam, it has fundamentally changed the political and strategic context of the Nile question.   Consequently, statements that Ethiopia should not be permitted to construct another dam on the Blue Nile cannot provide a serious basis for future policy. Ethiopia’s development needs cannot be indefinitely subordinated to another country’s perception of its own water security. Nor is it realistic to assume that Ethiopia’s development projects on the Nile can be prevented indefinitely through efforts to restrict international financing. The experience of the GERD demonstrated Ethiopia’s ability to mobilize domestic resources when external financing was unavailable. This is an important lesson for all concerned: the future of the Nile cannot be determined through vetoes, pressure or attempts to prevent development. It must be shaped through cooperation. The same applies to the broader political relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt. Attempts to address differences over the Nile through political pressure, geopolitical rivalry or support for destabilizing forces cannot provide a sustainable solution. Such approaches risk deepening mistrust and making an eventual settlement more difficult. Military confrontation is equally untenable. No military strategy can produce sustainable water security. The Nile will continue to flow across borders long after political crises have passed. The only durable answer is therefore a political and diplomatic framework that recognizes the legitimate interests of all riparian countries. Other major transboundary river systems demonstrate that shared rivers need not inevitably become sources of military confrontation. China, for example, shares numerous transboundary rivers with neighboring countries and has developed a variety of mechanisms for managing shared water interests. The experiences of other river basins demonstrate that differences can be managed through dialogue, cooperation and negotiated arrangements. The Comprehensive Framework Agreement and the Changing Regional Context The effort by the Nile Basin riparian states to establish a basin-wide legal framework has been underway for many years. The negotiation of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) was intended to provide a more inclusive and equitable basis for cooperation among the Nile Basin countries. The CFA’s evolution reflects an important reality: upstream countries increasingly expect their interests and development needs to be recognized within the governance of the Nile Basin. The issue is therefore larger than the GERD or the relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia. It concerns the fundamental question of how an international river basin should be governed in an era of population growth, climate change, energy transition and rapid economic transformation.   A sustainable Nile framework cannot be built around arrangements negotiated without the participation of all concerned states. Nor can the interests of downstream countries simply be ignored. The answer lies in developing an inclusive framework that accommodates the legitimate concerns of downstream states while recognizing the development rights of upstream countries. Ethiopia’s Cooperative Approach Should Not Be Mistaken for Weakness Since the political transition of 1991, Ethiopia has repeatedly expressed its preference for dialogue and cooperation in addressing the Nile question. The 1993 memorandum of understanding reached during the visit of Ethiopia’s Transitional Government leadership to Cairo and the subsequent 2015 Declaration of Principles on the GERD involving Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan were important demonstrations of Ethiopia’s willingness to engage diplomatically and seek mutually beneficial solutions. The Declaration of Principles was particularly significant because it established a set of principles intended to guide the three countries in addressing issues related to the GERD, including cooperation, equitable and reasonable utilization, the obligation not to cause significant harm, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. These initiatives demonstrate that Ethiopia does not seek confrontation with Egypt. Indeed, Ethiopia has repeatedly made clear that it has no intention in harming the Egyptian people. This was amply stated by PM Abiy Ahmed during his offical visit to Cairo. Ethiopians and Egyptians share deep historical, cultural and human bonds. If the two countries estblish cooperation and working together, the benefits will transcend the borders of the two countries. The outcome will have broader regional impact. The Nile should be a bridge connecting the peoples of the two countries rather than a permanent source of antagonism between them. But cooperation is necessarily reciprocal. Ethiopia’s willingness to negotiate should not be interpreted as an acceptance of arrangements that deny its legitimate development interests. Nor should restraint be mistaken for weakness. Ethiopia has legitimate interests in using its natural resources to reduce poverty, expand access to electricity, develop agriculture and transform its economy. At the same time, Ethiopia has an interest in ensuring that its utilization of the Nile is undertaken responsibly and without significant harm to downstream populations. This is precisely why a cooperative framework is possible. The Way Forward: From Confrontation to Cooperation The Nile question has reached a point where old assumptions need to be reconsidered. Egypt’s water-security concerns are legitimate. Ethiopia’s development aspirations are equally legitimate. Sudan also has legitimate interests that must be taken into account. The challenge is to create a framework in which these interests are not viewed as mutually exclusive. The choice before Egypt and Ethiopia should therefore not be framed as a choice between Egyptian water security and Ethiopian development. The real choice is between competition and cooperation; confrontation and dialogue; unilateralism and shared governance. There is considerable room for cooperation. The two countries could strengthen scientific and technical cooperation on hydrology, climate change, drought and flood management, sedimentation, agricultural productivity, electricity trade and water-use efficiency. Ethiopia’s potential for hydropower development and Egypt’s expertise in water management could, for example, become complementary rather than competing assets. A broader economic relationship could also transform the politics of the Nile. Energy trade, investment, infrastructure connectivity, agriculture and regional economic integration could create incentives for both countries to regard the river as an opportunity for mutual benefit rather than a zero-sum contest. The way forward is therefore not through threats, pressure or attempts to prevent Ethiopia from developing its water resources. Nor is it through unilateral actions that disregard the legitimate concerns of downstream countries. The answer is a return to the negotiating table with a different mindset. Egypt needs to recognize that the Nile Basin of the twenty-first century is fundamentally different from the Nile Basin of the nineteenth or twentieth century. Ethiopia, for its part, should continue to demonstrate that its development of the Nile can coexist with the legitimate water-security interests of downstream countries. The central principle should be simple: no country should seek to monopolize a shared river, and no country should be denied its legitimate right to development. The Nile can become either a permanent fault line between Egypt and Ethiopia or an unprecedented opportunity for cooperation between two ancient civilizations. The choice is ultimately political.   What is required now is not another round of confrontation, but a new political understanding—one founded on sovereign equality, equitable and reasonable utilization, mutual respect, scientific cooperation and shared prosperity. The Nile does not belong to one country. It is a shared resource, and its future must be built on shared responsibility. …………………… * The author is former Ethiopian Ambassador to Egypt. The views only represent that of the author alone. Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka is a senior Ethiopian politician and veteran diplomat. He served as Speaker of the House of Peoples' Representatives, Minister of Youth, Sports, and Culture, and Commissioner of the National Rehabilitation Commission. In his diplomatic career, he served as Ambassador to the European Union, China, Kenya, and Ghana.
Tibor Nagy Praises Ethiopian Airlines’ Strategic Model
Sep 15, 2026 2346
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Tibor Nagy has praised Ethiopian Airlines as an institution that has maintained strategic discipline, technical standards and operational professionalism over decades. Speaking about the airline’s rise and its distinctive position on the continent, Nagy said its success was not simply the result of being state-owned, but of functioning with the discipline and independence of a private corporation. He told POA that the airline’s investment in technical capacity and training as key to its reputation. “So Ethiopian Airlines has thought strategically. They have maintained their standards. They have very high technical capabilities. European airlines send their pilots to Addis Ababa to train in their simulators. Their mechanics are among the best in the world. So I always tell people, you know, if I ever have a choice and if Ethiopian Airlines is flying, I will always take Ethiopian Airlines. I don’t care what other airline is flying.”   Nagy said the airline’s professionalism was particularly evident during the COVID-19 pandemic, when international air travel was severely disrupted. He recalled that, while serving as Washington’s top Africa official, the United States relied on Ethiopian Airlines to move American citizens across the continent because the carrier continued operating when many others had stopped flying. “I was Assistant Secretary of State for Africa during COVID, and we depended on renting Ethiopian Airlines aircraft to go around Africa to pick up American citizens, because they were reliable. They were flying when other airlines were not flying.” Nagy also welcomed Ethiopia’s plans for a new airport at Bishoftu, describing the project as both visionary and necessary as Addis Ababa continues to expand its role as a major African aviation and economic hub. He said the capital’s high altitude places operational limitations on some aircraft, making an additional aviation hub strategically important.   “But the Bishoftu airport, again, that is pioneering. It is visionary. And I believe it is absolutely needed. Addis Ababa is a huge crossroads of Africa. You have the African Union there, you have a huge population, you have industrialisation, you have investments. But Addis has limitations because of the high altitude. You can’t take all kinds of aircraft there. There are certain aircraft that cannot land and take off there. So Bishoftu makes sense.” Nagy’s assessment places Ethiopian Airlines within a broader story of institutional resilience and long-term investment, as Ethiopia seeks to reinforce its position as a continental aviation hub. He said the combination of technical expertise, strategic management and infrastructure development could further strengthen that role as the country’s economy and international connections continue to grow.   Ethiopian Airlines Group (Ethiopian) is a true African success story, transforming a visionary dream into a globally renowned reality for nearly eight decades. Operating flights to more than 160 domestic and international passenger, and cargo destinations across five continents, Ethiopian bridges the gaps between Africa and the world.
BRICS Summit Backs Ethiopia’s Global Diplomatic, Economic Agenda
Sep 14, 2026 11975
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed participated in the second and final day of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi on September 13, as leaders of the bloc member countries concluded two days of high-level deliberations with the adoption of the New Delhi Declaration. Held under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability,” the summit brought together heads of state and government from BRICS member and partner countries, alongside leaders of international institutions, to discuss major global and regional issues and strengthen cooperation across the Global South. The summit concluded with the adoption of the BRICS New Delhi Declaration, containing 140 consensus positions that set out the bloc’s collective positions on a wide range of issues.   The New Delhi Declaration underscores the need to reform global governance institutions, strengthen international and regional peace and security, promote sustainable economic growth, and foster greater people-to-people exchanges. According to a social media post by the Office of the Prime Minister, the declaration also reaffirmed strong BRICS support for Ethiopia’s ongoing accession process to the World Trade Organization (WTO), reinforcing the country’s efforts to deepen its integration into the global trading system. The BRICS leaders further expressed strong support for Ethiopia’s candidature as the sole candidate endorsed by the African Union for an additional seat on the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) Council. The bloc also jointly backed Ethiopia’s preparations to host the 32nd United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP32), scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa in 2027, highlighting Ethiopia’s growing role in advancing global climate and development priorities.   Beyond the multilateral outcomes, Prime Minister Abiy held a series of bilateral meetings with leaders of BRICS member and partner countries on the sidelines of the summit. The discussions focused on expanding cooperation in key areas, including trade, investment, defense, technology and digitalization, with an emphasis on strengthening mutually beneficial partnerships. The Prime Minister had earlier attended the opening session of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit on September 12 and joined other leaders at a gala dinner following the first day’s proceedings, it was learned. At the conclusion of the two-day summit, BRICS leaders approved China as the host of the 19th BRICS Summit, marking the next stage in the bloc’s expanding cooperation.   Prime Minister Abiy has since returned to Addis Ababa following his participation in the summit, where Ethiopia’s diplomatic engagement highlighted its growing role in BRICS and its broader pursuit of economic, technological and strategic partnerships.
Featured
Why Does Red Sea Security Need Ethiopia?
Sep 15, 2026 781
With analysis from Pulse of Africa (POA) By Mahder Nesibu Sept. 15, 2026 The Red Sea, a narrow waterway connecting the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean, has in recent years come under heavy insecurity. The prevalence of armed groups around the waterway, compounded by threats such as piracy, has undermined its reliability, despite it handling around 13 percent of global shipping. This threat has now come under the spotlight. When war broke out between Iran on one side and Israel and the United States on the other, a similar waterway, the Persian Gulf, and the chokepoint connecting it to the Indian Ocean, came to be weaponised, with Tehran effectively choking a passage that handles 25 percent of the world's oil and gas output. The same weaponisation became visible at Bab-el-Mandeb, the chokepoint of the Red Sea, when Yemen's Houthis, who control the country's north bordering the chokepoint, declared a blockade against Israel in March 2025, partly motivated by their alignment with Iran. The rebels have since extended that blockade to Saudi Arabia, with whom they have been at war for over a decade, a conflict paused by a truce in 2022. Just last week, A blitzkrieg offensive by Houthi forces over the past week has shattered the regional status quo, placing the strategic Bab al-Mandeb Strait firmly under their control. Sweeping down Yemen’s western coast with relentless momentum, the forces have completely overrun Saudi-backed government positions, meeting virtually zero resistance along the way. Saudi is said to have launched counter offensives with sorties targeting Houthis’ positions. The situation remains fluid. Saudi ships, like Israeli ones, have become targets for the Houthis, compounding the insecurity the waterway has been witnessing. On top of that, piracy, primarily emanating from the Somali coast, continues to pose a threat. Although thought to have decreased in frequency, piracy on Bab-el-Mandeb and the Red Sea appears to be resurging. The New York Times reported in late August that the pattern points to a possible resurgence, with 2026 alone seeing 17 piracy-related incidents documented. Although Israeli and Saudi shipping, alongside international cargo, are coming under direct attack, the effects of this insecurity are more structural. According to Reuters, shipping across the Red Sea has declined by as much as 60 percent since 2023, when the Houthi weaponisation of the chokepoint began, and has not effectively recovered since. These figures translate into greater costs for shipping and slower traffic, as ships are diverted through the Cape of Good Hope route along southern Africa, adding extra days at sea and additional fuel costs. For countries served through the Red Sea itself, this has meant greater volatility in their trade. Beyond the added costs of moving ships through the sea, it means living with the risk of disruption, particularly for essentials such as oil and gas. This has been the case for countries in the Horn of Africa and the Persian Gulf, whose supply lines have been subject to disruption. Moves to secure the Red Sea and Bab-el-Mandeb have largely been futile, falling short of a comprehensive and cohesive plan to meet the challenge, as geopolitical competition within the Middle East and the Horn of Africa has undermined such efforts. One country that has been making efforts to secure the Red Sea is Ethiopia. The Horn of Africa state, the largest in the region by both population and economy, has been trying to establish a security presence on the waterway to help address the prevailing insecurity. Ethiopia relies on Djibouti, the country on the African side of Bab-el-Mandeb, for more than 85 percent of its maritime affairs, and its imposed landlocked status has limited its ability to contribute to addressing a security dilemma that carries consequences for its own economy and stability, as well as those of its neighbours. This, alongside historical realities and demographic concerns, has formed the foundation of the country's case for a return to the Red Sea. Access to the sea has been treated as a primary issue of national interest by the majority Ethiopians for long —an issue that received greater prominence particularly since 2018, when the administration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power. Alongside launching a diplomatic push, Ethiopia also revived its navy that same year, effectively declaring its strong interest in reestablishing a security presence on the Red Sea. The Ethiopian Navy was a major actor in Red Sea affairs for decades. Established in 1955, it is older than most naval security institutions in the region, including Saudi Arabia's, which was launched in 1960. It had been a pillar of Red Sea security for decades and was only disbanded in 1996, following Eritrea's secession from Ethiopia in 1991. Now revived, it offers to contribute to maritime security and help address the growing dilemma facing the Middle East and the Horn of Africa. Speaking at the 4th Annual Red Sea and Gulf of Aden Dialogue this April, Commander-in-Chief of the Ethiopian Navy Kindu Gezu stated that Ethiopia's bid was also "for the common benefit of the region", adding that "inclusivity strengthens legitimacy and fosters shared interests in security and connectivity". For the region, and for those affected by insecurity in the Red Sea, it is worth considering what an increased Ethiopian role could contribute. For Djibouti, Yemen and Saudi Arabia, and also to superpowers with footholds on the region, the case for backing Ethiopia's return to the sea is a reasonable one on maritime security grounds. Writing for the Middle Eastern outlet MEMRI, Morocco expert Anna Mahjar-Barducci made the case for Ethiopia's access to the sea on similar security grounds, arguing that the United States, a global power that considers Red Sea security a strategic priority, should back Ethiopia, as the country could play a critical role in securing the waterway. The Middle East and the Horn of Africa face the same strategic considerations. Strategic competition aside, states in the region now have to treat maritime security as a matter of permanent concern. Ultimately, the solution rests on inclusive mechanisms that pool together available resources, including those Ethiopia can offer. Ethiopia’s return to the Red Sea could strengthen regional security.
Egypt Must Align Its Nile Strategies with the Realities of 21st Century
Sep 15, 2026 5208
Abay/Nile Waters at the Intersection of Ethiopia- Egypt Relations   Sept. 15, 2026 (ENA) By Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka (PHD) Background The Nile is one of the world’s great transboundary river systems, shared by eleven riparian countries. Egypt and Sudan are the principal downstream states with virtually no contribution to the flow of the Nile. The Nile’s waters originate in the upstream countries, Ethiopia being the source of the Blue Nile. The Blue Nile, originating in the Ethiopian highlands, contributes 86% share of the Nile’s annual flow. For centuries, the utilization of Nile waters has been a source of tension between upstream and downstream countries. Historical circumstances, colonial legacies and competing interpretations of rights over the river have contributed to a pattern of mistrust that has often prevented the emergence of a genuinely cooperative basin-wide framework. Egypt, in particular, has developed and maintained an entrenched position concerning the allocation and utilization of the Nile waters. Its continued emphasis on what it describes as “historical rights” and on agreements concluded during periods when most upstream countries were not parties to the negotiations has made it difficult to establish a framework based on contemporary principles of international water law, particularly equitable and reasonable utilization and the obligation to cooperate. The 1959 Agreement between Egypt and Sudan is a particularly important example. The agreement allocated the entire estimated Nile flow between the two downstream countries without the participation of the other riparian states, including Ethiopia, the source of the Blue Nile. It is difficult to envisage how such an arrangement could provide a sustainable basis for managing a shared trans boundary resource in the twenty-first century. The fundamental issue, therefore, is not whether Egypt has legitimate interests in the Nile. It unquestionably does. The question is whether those interests can legitimately be pursued at the expense of the equally legitimate interests of the other riparian states. Why Egypt Needs a New Nile Strategy for the 21st Century? Egypt’s heavy dependence on the Nile is a reality that Ethiopia fully understands. But dependence does not confer a monopoly over a shared international watercourse. The challenge is to reconcile Egypt’s legitimate water-security concerns with the development aspirations and rights of the upstream countries. The twenty-first century has transformed the political, economic and technological circumstances of the Nile Basin. Population growth, climate change, food insecurity, energy demands, economic development and changing patterns of regional cooperation have fundamentally altered the context in which Nile waters must be managed. It is therefore neither realistic nor sustainable to approach the Nile exclusively through the prism of historical allocations. The river must increasingly be viewed as a shared resource whose sustainable management requires cooperation, dialogue, scientific evidence and equitable utilization. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) represents perhaps the clearest manifestation of this changing reality. The GERD has demonstrated Ethiopia’s growing capacity to mobilize domestic resources and undertake major infrastructure projects in pursuit of its national development objectives. Whatever one’s position on the dam, it has fundamentally changed the political and strategic context of the Nile question.   Consequently, statements that Ethiopia should not be permitted to construct another dam on the Blue Nile cannot provide a serious basis for future policy. Ethiopia’s development needs cannot be indefinitely subordinated to another country’s perception of its own water security. Nor is it realistic to assume that Ethiopia’s development projects on the Nile can be prevented indefinitely through efforts to restrict international financing. The experience of the GERD demonstrated Ethiopia’s ability to mobilize domestic resources when external financing was unavailable. This is an important lesson for all concerned: the future of the Nile cannot be determined through vetoes, pressure or attempts to prevent development. It must be shaped through cooperation. The same applies to the broader political relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt. Attempts to address differences over the Nile through political pressure, geopolitical rivalry or support for destabilizing forces cannot provide a sustainable solution. Such approaches risk deepening mistrust and making an eventual settlement more difficult. Military confrontation is equally untenable. No military strategy can produce sustainable water security. The Nile will continue to flow across borders long after political crises have passed. The only durable answer is therefore a political and diplomatic framework that recognizes the legitimate interests of all riparian countries. Other major transboundary river systems demonstrate that shared rivers need not inevitably become sources of military confrontation. China, for example, shares numerous transboundary rivers with neighboring countries and has developed a variety of mechanisms for managing shared water interests. The experiences of other river basins demonstrate that differences can be managed through dialogue, cooperation and negotiated arrangements. The Comprehensive Framework Agreement and the Changing Regional Context The effort by the Nile Basin riparian states to establish a basin-wide legal framework has been underway for many years. The negotiation of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) was intended to provide a more inclusive and equitable basis for cooperation among the Nile Basin countries. The CFA’s evolution reflects an important reality: upstream countries increasingly expect their interests and development needs to be recognized within the governance of the Nile Basin. The issue is therefore larger than the GERD or the relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia. It concerns the fundamental question of how an international river basin should be governed in an era of population growth, climate change, energy transition and rapid economic transformation.   A sustainable Nile framework cannot be built around arrangements negotiated without the participation of all concerned states. Nor can the interests of downstream countries simply be ignored. The answer lies in developing an inclusive framework that accommodates the legitimate concerns of downstream states while recognizing the development rights of upstream countries. Ethiopia’s Cooperative Approach Should Not Be Mistaken for Weakness Since the political transition of 1991, Ethiopia has repeatedly expressed its preference for dialogue and cooperation in addressing the Nile question. The 1993 memorandum of understanding reached during the visit of Ethiopia’s Transitional Government leadership to Cairo and the subsequent 2015 Declaration of Principles on the GERD involving Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan were important demonstrations of Ethiopia’s willingness to engage diplomatically and seek mutually beneficial solutions. The Declaration of Principles was particularly significant because it established a set of principles intended to guide the three countries in addressing issues related to the GERD, including cooperation, equitable and reasonable utilization, the obligation not to cause significant harm, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. These initiatives demonstrate that Ethiopia does not seek confrontation with Egypt. Indeed, Ethiopia has repeatedly made clear that it has no intention in harming the Egyptian people. This was amply stated by PM Abiy Ahmed during his offical visit to Cairo. Ethiopians and Egyptians share deep historical, cultural and human bonds. If the two countries estblish cooperation and working together, the benefits will transcend the borders of the two countries. The outcome will have broader regional impact. The Nile should be a bridge connecting the peoples of the two countries rather than a permanent source of antagonism between them. But cooperation is necessarily reciprocal. Ethiopia’s willingness to negotiate should not be interpreted as an acceptance of arrangements that deny its legitimate development interests. Nor should restraint be mistaken for weakness. Ethiopia has legitimate interests in using its natural resources to reduce poverty, expand access to electricity, develop agriculture and transform its economy. At the same time, Ethiopia has an interest in ensuring that its utilization of the Nile is undertaken responsibly and without significant harm to downstream populations. This is precisely why a cooperative framework is possible. The Way Forward: From Confrontation to Cooperation The Nile question has reached a point where old assumptions need to be reconsidered. Egypt’s water-security concerns are legitimate. Ethiopia’s development aspirations are equally legitimate. Sudan also has legitimate interests that must be taken into account. The challenge is to create a framework in which these interests are not viewed as mutually exclusive. The choice before Egypt and Ethiopia should therefore not be framed as a choice between Egyptian water security and Ethiopian development. The real choice is between competition and cooperation; confrontation and dialogue; unilateralism and shared governance. There is considerable room for cooperation. The two countries could strengthen scientific and technical cooperation on hydrology, climate change, drought and flood management, sedimentation, agricultural productivity, electricity trade and water-use efficiency. Ethiopia’s potential for hydropower development and Egypt’s expertise in water management could, for example, become complementary rather than competing assets. A broader economic relationship could also transform the politics of the Nile. Energy trade, investment, infrastructure connectivity, agriculture and regional economic integration could create incentives for both countries to regard the river as an opportunity for mutual benefit rather than a zero-sum contest. The way forward is therefore not through threats, pressure or attempts to prevent Ethiopia from developing its water resources. Nor is it through unilateral actions that disregard the legitimate concerns of downstream countries. The answer is a return to the negotiating table with a different mindset. Egypt needs to recognize that the Nile Basin of the twenty-first century is fundamentally different from the Nile Basin of the nineteenth or twentieth century. Ethiopia, for its part, should continue to demonstrate that its development of the Nile can coexist with the legitimate water-security interests of downstream countries. The central principle should be simple: no country should seek to monopolize a shared river, and no country should be denied its legitimate right to development. The Nile can become either a permanent fault line between Egypt and Ethiopia or an unprecedented opportunity for cooperation between two ancient civilizations. The choice is ultimately political.   What is required now is not another round of confrontation, but a new political understanding—one founded on sovereign equality, equitable and reasonable utilization, mutual respect, scientific cooperation and shared prosperity. The Nile does not belong to one country. It is a shared resource, and its future must be built on shared responsibility. …………………… * The author is former Ethiopian Ambassador to Egypt. The views only represent that of the author alone. Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka is a senior Ethiopian politician and veteran diplomat. He served as Speaker of the House of Peoples' Representatives, Minister of Youth, Sports, and Culture, and Commissioner of the National Rehabilitation Commission. In his diplomatic career, he served as Ambassador to the European Union, China, Kenya, and Ghana.
Tibor Nagy Praises Ethiopian Airlines’ Strategic Model
Sep 15, 2026 2346
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Tibor Nagy has praised Ethiopian Airlines as an institution that has maintained strategic discipline, technical standards and operational professionalism over decades. Speaking about the airline’s rise and its distinctive position on the continent, Nagy said its success was not simply the result of being state-owned, but of functioning with the discipline and independence of a private corporation. He told POA that the airline’s investment in technical capacity and training as key to its reputation. “So Ethiopian Airlines has thought strategically. They have maintained their standards. They have very high technical capabilities. European airlines send their pilots to Addis Ababa to train in their simulators. Their mechanics are among the best in the world. So I always tell people, you know, if I ever have a choice and if Ethiopian Airlines is flying, I will always take Ethiopian Airlines. I don’t care what other airline is flying.”   Nagy said the airline’s professionalism was particularly evident during the COVID-19 pandemic, when international air travel was severely disrupted. He recalled that, while serving as Washington’s top Africa official, the United States relied on Ethiopian Airlines to move American citizens across the continent because the carrier continued operating when many others had stopped flying. “I was Assistant Secretary of State for Africa during COVID, and we depended on renting Ethiopian Airlines aircraft to go around Africa to pick up American citizens, because they were reliable. They were flying when other airlines were not flying.” Nagy also welcomed Ethiopia’s plans for a new airport at Bishoftu, describing the project as both visionary and necessary as Addis Ababa continues to expand its role as a major African aviation and economic hub. He said the capital’s high altitude places operational limitations on some aircraft, making an additional aviation hub strategically important.   “But the Bishoftu airport, again, that is pioneering. It is visionary. And I believe it is absolutely needed. Addis Ababa is a huge crossroads of Africa. You have the African Union there, you have a huge population, you have industrialisation, you have investments. But Addis has limitations because of the high altitude. You can’t take all kinds of aircraft there. There are certain aircraft that cannot land and take off there. So Bishoftu makes sense.” Nagy’s assessment places Ethiopian Airlines within a broader story of institutional resilience and long-term investment, as Ethiopia seeks to reinforce its position as a continental aviation hub. He said the combination of technical expertise, strategic management and infrastructure development could further strengthen that role as the country’s economy and international connections continue to grow.   Ethiopian Airlines Group (Ethiopian) is a true African success story, transforming a visionary dream into a globally renowned reality for nearly eight decades. Operating flights to more than 160 domestic and international passenger, and cargo destinations across five continents, Ethiopian bridges the gaps between Africa and the world.
BRICS Summit Backs Ethiopia’s Global Diplomatic, Economic Agenda
Sep 14, 2026 11975
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed participated in the second and final day of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi on September 13, as leaders of the bloc member countries concluded two days of high-level deliberations with the adoption of the New Delhi Declaration. Held under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability,” the summit brought together heads of state and government from BRICS member and partner countries, alongside leaders of international institutions, to discuss major global and regional issues and strengthen cooperation across the Global South. The summit concluded with the adoption of the BRICS New Delhi Declaration, containing 140 consensus positions that set out the bloc’s collective positions on a wide range of issues.   The New Delhi Declaration underscores the need to reform global governance institutions, strengthen international and regional peace and security, promote sustainable economic growth, and foster greater people-to-people exchanges. According to a social media post by the Office of the Prime Minister, the declaration also reaffirmed strong BRICS support for Ethiopia’s ongoing accession process to the World Trade Organization (WTO), reinforcing the country’s efforts to deepen its integration into the global trading system. The BRICS leaders further expressed strong support for Ethiopia’s candidature as the sole candidate endorsed by the African Union for an additional seat on the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) Council. The bloc also jointly backed Ethiopia’s preparations to host the 32nd United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP32), scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa in 2027, highlighting Ethiopia’s growing role in advancing global climate and development priorities.   Beyond the multilateral outcomes, Prime Minister Abiy held a series of bilateral meetings with leaders of BRICS member and partner countries on the sidelines of the summit. The discussions focused on expanding cooperation in key areas, including trade, investment, defense, technology and digitalization, with an emphasis on strengthening mutually beneficial partnerships. The Prime Minister had earlier attended the opening session of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit on September 12 and joined other leaders at a gala dinner following the first day’s proceedings, it was learned. At the conclusion of the two-day summit, BRICS leaders approved China as the host of the 19th BRICS Summit, marking the next stage in the bloc’s expanding cooperation.   Prime Minister Abiy has since returned to Addis Ababa following his participation in the summit, where Ethiopia’s diplomatic engagement highlighted its growing role in BRICS and its broader pursuit of economic, technological and strategic partnerships.
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Egypt Must Align Its Nile Strategies with the Realities of 21st Century
Sep 15, 2026 5208
Abay/Nile Waters at the Intersection of Ethiopia- Egypt Relations   Sept. 15, 2026 (ENA) By Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka (PHD) Background The Nile is one of the world’s great transboundary river systems, shared by eleven riparian countries. Egypt and Sudan are the principal downstream states with virtually no contribution to the flow of the Nile. The Nile’s waters originate in the upstream countries, Ethiopia being the source of the Blue Nile. The Blue Nile, originating in the Ethiopian highlands, contributes 86% share of the Nile’s annual flow. For centuries, the utilization of Nile waters has been a source of tension between upstream and downstream countries. Historical circumstances, colonial legacies and competing interpretations of rights over the river have contributed to a pattern of mistrust that has often prevented the emergence of a genuinely cooperative basin-wide framework. Egypt, in particular, has developed and maintained an entrenched position concerning the allocation and utilization of the Nile waters. Its continued emphasis on what it describes as “historical rights” and on agreements concluded during periods when most upstream countries were not parties to the negotiations has made it difficult to establish a framework based on contemporary principles of international water law, particularly equitable and reasonable utilization and the obligation to cooperate. The 1959 Agreement between Egypt and Sudan is a particularly important example. The agreement allocated the entire estimated Nile flow between the two downstream countries without the participation of the other riparian states, including Ethiopia, the source of the Blue Nile. It is difficult to envisage how such an arrangement could provide a sustainable basis for managing a shared trans boundary resource in the twenty-first century. The fundamental issue, therefore, is not whether Egypt has legitimate interests in the Nile. It unquestionably does. The question is whether those interests can legitimately be pursued at the expense of the equally legitimate interests of the other riparian states. Why Egypt Needs a New Nile Strategy for the 21st Century? Egypt’s heavy dependence on the Nile is a reality that Ethiopia fully understands. But dependence does not confer a monopoly over a shared international watercourse. The challenge is to reconcile Egypt’s legitimate water-security concerns with the development aspirations and rights of the upstream countries. The twenty-first century has transformed the political, economic and technological circumstances of the Nile Basin. Population growth, climate change, food insecurity, energy demands, economic development and changing patterns of regional cooperation have fundamentally altered the context in which Nile waters must be managed. It is therefore neither realistic nor sustainable to approach the Nile exclusively through the prism of historical allocations. The river must increasingly be viewed as a shared resource whose sustainable management requires cooperation, dialogue, scientific evidence and equitable utilization. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) represents perhaps the clearest manifestation of this changing reality. The GERD has demonstrated Ethiopia’s growing capacity to mobilize domestic resources and undertake major infrastructure projects in pursuit of its national development objectives. Whatever one’s position on the dam, it has fundamentally changed the political and strategic context of the Nile question.   Consequently, statements that Ethiopia should not be permitted to construct another dam on the Blue Nile cannot provide a serious basis for future policy. Ethiopia’s development needs cannot be indefinitely subordinated to another country’s perception of its own water security. Nor is it realistic to assume that Ethiopia’s development projects on the Nile can be prevented indefinitely through efforts to restrict international financing. The experience of the GERD demonstrated Ethiopia’s ability to mobilize domestic resources when external financing was unavailable. This is an important lesson for all concerned: the future of the Nile cannot be determined through vetoes, pressure or attempts to prevent development. It must be shaped through cooperation. The same applies to the broader political relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt. Attempts to address differences over the Nile through political pressure, geopolitical rivalry or support for destabilizing forces cannot provide a sustainable solution. Such approaches risk deepening mistrust and making an eventual settlement more difficult. Military confrontation is equally untenable. No military strategy can produce sustainable water security. The Nile will continue to flow across borders long after political crises have passed. The only durable answer is therefore a political and diplomatic framework that recognizes the legitimate interests of all riparian countries. Other major transboundary river systems demonstrate that shared rivers need not inevitably become sources of military confrontation. China, for example, shares numerous transboundary rivers with neighboring countries and has developed a variety of mechanisms for managing shared water interests. The experiences of other river basins demonstrate that differences can be managed through dialogue, cooperation and negotiated arrangements. The Comprehensive Framework Agreement and the Changing Regional Context The effort by the Nile Basin riparian states to establish a basin-wide legal framework has been underway for many years. The negotiation of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) was intended to provide a more inclusive and equitable basis for cooperation among the Nile Basin countries. The CFA’s evolution reflects an important reality: upstream countries increasingly expect their interests and development needs to be recognized within the governance of the Nile Basin. The issue is therefore larger than the GERD or the relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia. It concerns the fundamental question of how an international river basin should be governed in an era of population growth, climate change, energy transition and rapid economic transformation.   A sustainable Nile framework cannot be built around arrangements negotiated without the participation of all concerned states. Nor can the interests of downstream countries simply be ignored. The answer lies in developing an inclusive framework that accommodates the legitimate concerns of downstream states while recognizing the development rights of upstream countries. Ethiopia’s Cooperative Approach Should Not Be Mistaken for Weakness Since the political transition of 1991, Ethiopia has repeatedly expressed its preference for dialogue and cooperation in addressing the Nile question. The 1993 memorandum of understanding reached during the visit of Ethiopia’s Transitional Government leadership to Cairo and the subsequent 2015 Declaration of Principles on the GERD involving Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan were important demonstrations of Ethiopia’s willingness to engage diplomatically and seek mutually beneficial solutions. The Declaration of Principles was particularly significant because it established a set of principles intended to guide the three countries in addressing issues related to the GERD, including cooperation, equitable and reasonable utilization, the obligation not to cause significant harm, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. These initiatives demonstrate that Ethiopia does not seek confrontation with Egypt. Indeed, Ethiopia has repeatedly made clear that it has no intention in harming the Egyptian people. This was amply stated by PM Abiy Ahmed during his offical visit to Cairo. Ethiopians and Egyptians share deep historical, cultural and human bonds. If the two countries estblish cooperation and working together, the benefits will transcend the borders of the two countries. The outcome will have broader regional impact. The Nile should be a bridge connecting the peoples of the two countries rather than a permanent source of antagonism between them. But cooperation is necessarily reciprocal. Ethiopia’s willingness to negotiate should not be interpreted as an acceptance of arrangements that deny its legitimate development interests. Nor should restraint be mistaken for weakness. Ethiopia has legitimate interests in using its natural resources to reduce poverty, expand access to electricity, develop agriculture and transform its economy. At the same time, Ethiopia has an interest in ensuring that its utilization of the Nile is undertaken responsibly and without significant harm to downstream populations. This is precisely why a cooperative framework is possible. The Way Forward: From Confrontation to Cooperation The Nile question has reached a point where old assumptions need to be reconsidered. Egypt’s water-security concerns are legitimate. Ethiopia’s development aspirations are equally legitimate. Sudan also has legitimate interests that must be taken into account. The challenge is to create a framework in which these interests are not viewed as mutually exclusive. The choice before Egypt and Ethiopia should therefore not be framed as a choice between Egyptian water security and Ethiopian development. The real choice is between competition and cooperation; confrontation and dialogue; unilateralism and shared governance. There is considerable room for cooperation. The two countries could strengthen scientific and technical cooperation on hydrology, climate change, drought and flood management, sedimentation, agricultural productivity, electricity trade and water-use efficiency. Ethiopia’s potential for hydropower development and Egypt’s expertise in water management could, for example, become complementary rather than competing assets. A broader economic relationship could also transform the politics of the Nile. Energy trade, investment, infrastructure connectivity, agriculture and regional economic integration could create incentives for both countries to regard the river as an opportunity for mutual benefit rather than a zero-sum contest. The way forward is therefore not through threats, pressure or attempts to prevent Ethiopia from developing its water resources. Nor is it through unilateral actions that disregard the legitimate concerns of downstream countries. The answer is a return to the negotiating table with a different mindset. Egypt needs to recognize that the Nile Basin of the twenty-first century is fundamentally different from the Nile Basin of the nineteenth or twentieth century. Ethiopia, for its part, should continue to demonstrate that its development of the Nile can coexist with the legitimate water-security interests of downstream countries. The central principle should be simple: no country should seek to monopolize a shared river, and no country should be denied its legitimate right to development. The Nile can become either a permanent fault line between Egypt and Ethiopia or an unprecedented opportunity for cooperation between two ancient civilizations. The choice is ultimately political.   What is required now is not another round of confrontation, but a new political understanding—one founded on sovereign equality, equitable and reasonable utilization, mutual respect, scientific cooperation and shared prosperity. The Nile does not belong to one country. It is a shared resource, and its future must be built on shared responsibility. …………………… * The author is former Ethiopian Ambassador to Egypt. The views only represent that of the author alone. Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka is a senior Ethiopian politician and veteran diplomat. He served as Speaker of the House of Peoples' Representatives, Minister of Youth, Sports, and Culture, and Commissioner of the National Rehabilitation Commission. In his diplomatic career, he served as Ambassador to the European Union, China, Kenya, and Ghana.
BRICS Summit Backs Ethiopia’s Global Diplomatic, Economic Agenda
Sep 14, 2026 11975
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed participated in the second and final day of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi on September 13, as leaders of the bloc member countries concluded two days of high-level deliberations with the adoption of the New Delhi Declaration. Held under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability,” the summit brought together heads of state and government from BRICS member and partner countries, alongside leaders of international institutions, to discuss major global and regional issues and strengthen cooperation across the Global South. The summit concluded with the adoption of the BRICS New Delhi Declaration, containing 140 consensus positions that set out the bloc’s collective positions on a wide range of issues.   The New Delhi Declaration underscores the need to reform global governance institutions, strengthen international and regional peace and security, promote sustainable economic growth, and foster greater people-to-people exchanges. According to a social media post by the Office of the Prime Minister, the declaration also reaffirmed strong BRICS support for Ethiopia’s ongoing accession process to the World Trade Organization (WTO), reinforcing the country’s efforts to deepen its integration into the global trading system. The BRICS leaders further expressed strong support for Ethiopia’s candidature as the sole candidate endorsed by the African Union for an additional seat on the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) Council. The bloc also jointly backed Ethiopia’s preparations to host the 32nd United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP32), scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa in 2027, highlighting Ethiopia’s growing role in advancing global climate and development priorities.   Beyond the multilateral outcomes, Prime Minister Abiy held a series of bilateral meetings with leaders of BRICS member and partner countries on the sidelines of the summit. The discussions focused on expanding cooperation in key areas, including trade, investment, defense, technology and digitalization, with an emphasis on strengthening mutually beneficial partnerships. The Prime Minister had earlier attended the opening session of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit on September 12 and joined other leaders at a gala dinner following the first day’s proceedings, it was learned. At the conclusion of the two-day summit, BRICS leaders approved China as the host of the 19th BRICS Summit, marking the next stage in the bloc’s expanding cooperation.   Prime Minister Abiy has since returned to Addis Ababa following his participation in the summit, where Ethiopia’s diplomatic engagement highlighted its growing role in BRICS and its broader pursuit of economic, technological and strategic partnerships.
Germany, Denmark Reaffirm Cultural and Green Ties with Ethiopia
Sep 14, 2026 7489
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) — Germany and Denmark have emphasized cultural diplomacy, people to people exchanges, academic cooperation and green transformation as key pillars of their longstanding partnerships with Ethiopia. In a recent interview with ENA, Ferdinand von Weyhe, Germany’s Deputy Head of Mission, noted cultural diplomacy and people to people relations remain central to the bilateral relationship. He further stressed that high level political engagement should be complemented by direct connections between the peoples of the two countries. “It is very important because, in the end, you may have high level political interaction and conversations, but it is ultimately about people-to-people relations. We are defined by our culture, and it is enriching to experience other cultures and be inspired by them,” von Weyhe said. He further noted cultural diplomacy and cultural exchange constitute core pillars of Germany’s cooperation with Ethiopia, noting that bilateral relations are reflected in practical initiatives and institutional partnerships. “Cultural diplomacy and cultural exchange are among the core pillars of our bilateral cooperation. We can always talk at a high level, but it has to come down to concrete cooperation,” he said. Von Weyhe cited the German Embassy School in Addis Ababa, the Goethe-Institut, educational exchanges involving Ethiopian students studying in Germany, and archaeological cooperation as examples of the concrete dimensions of the partnership.     “One very concrete example is our German School here in Addis Ababa and the Goethe-Institut, as well as the many Ethiopian students who go to Germany to study and our archaeological cooperation,” he said. He particularly highlighted the longstanding archaeological cooperation between the two countries, including joint research at Yeha, near Adwa in the Tigray Region, where Ethiopian and German archaeologists continue to work together. “This year we are celebrating 120 years of the German Aksum Expedition. This is not simply something that happened 120 years ago. Even today, there is archaeological cooperation in Yeha, close to Adwa, where Ethiopian and German archaeologists are excavating together. This is culture at its best,” von Weyhe said. The German diplomat also pointed to the historical depth of relations between the two countries, noting that Germany and Ethiopia recently marked significant milestones in their diplomatic and cultural ties. He further highlighted a recent cultural exchange involving the donation of historical artifacts to the Institute of Ethiopian Studies at Addis Ababa University. According to von Weyhe, descendants of a German diplomat who served in Ethiopia about a century ago donated cultural items, including a crown and a shield, that had been presented to their ancestor during his time in Ethiopia. The items had reportedly been given to the German diplomat’s family by Ras Tafari, who later became Emperor Haile Selassie I. The family subsequently decided to return the artifacts to Ethiopia, where they could be preserved and made accessible through the Institute of Ethiopian Studies. “The return of these cultural items was a very enriching and powerful signal for cultural cooperation. The heirs of my predecessor, a German diplomat who served 100 years ago, decided that they had no use for the artifacts in their home in Europe and donated them to the Institute of Ethiopian Studies. I think this was a very powerful gesture,” von Weyhe said. Meanwhile, Denmark highlighted green transformation and sustainable economic growth as important areas of its cooperation with Ethiopia. Denmark’s Deputy Head of Mission Mirja Crone also told ENA that past year had been marked by significant progress in both Ethiopian government initiatives and Danish Ethiopian cooperation, particularly in efforts to support a greener and more sustainable economy. “It has been a very busy year, with many achievements by the Ethiopian government and in Danish Ethiopian cooperation as well. We are working toward a greener transformation, bringing Danish expertise together with Ethiopian companies and professionals to promote more sustainable and green growth,” she said.     The cooperation involves sharing Danish expertise with Ethiopian companies and professionals, with the aim of supporting sustainable economic development and advancing Ethiopia’s green transition. The diplomats made the remarks during New Year visits to their respective embassies. The visits were organized jointly by the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Tourism as part of broader efforts to strengthen cultural diplomacy, diplomatic engagement and people to people relations. The diplomats highlight the expanding scope of Ethiopia’s partnerships with European countries, extending beyond traditional diplomatic engagement to include cultural exchange, education, archaeology, professional cooperation, sustainable development and green economic transformation.
BRICS Reaffirms Support for Ethiopia’s WTO Bid, ICAO Candidacy, and COP32 Presidency
Sep 14, 2026 24892
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —The BRICS member states have reaffirmed their support for Ethiopia’s bid to join the World Trade Organization (WTO), its candidacy for the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) Council, and its bid for the presidency of the UN climate change conference COP32. According to a social media post by the Office of the Prime Minister, the positions are reflected in the New Delhi Declaration adopted at the 18th BRICS Summit held in New Delhi, India, from September 12 to 13, 2026. The declaration states that BRICS strongly supports Ethiopia and Iran’s bids for accession to the WTO, in the context of efforts to strengthen the participation of developing countries in the multilateral trading system. It also welcomes Ethiopia’s candidacy for the ICAO Council, noting that Ethiopia has been endorsed by the African Union as the sole African candidate for the additional Council seat allocated to underrepresented regions. In addition, the declaration expresses support for Ethiopia’s UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) COP32 presidency, following its commendation of the successful conclusion of Brazil’s COP30 presidency. The three positions underline BRICS’ support for Ethiopia’s engagement in key multilateral institutions and processes, spanning global trade, international civil aviation, and climate diplomacy. The New Delhi Declaration was issued under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability.”
Ethiopia’s New Year, BRICS Diplomacy and the Strategic Push for Sea Access
Sep 13, 2026 20536
By Staff Writer Sept. 13, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia entered the 2019 Ethiopian calendar year with an unusually broad national agenda—intensified diplomacy, investment promotion, economic transformation, digital innovation, reconciliation and a renewed focus on strategic maritime interests. From September 6 to 12, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s participation in the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi dominated Ethiopia’s international agenda. His engagements with leaders of major emerging economies highlighted Addis Ababa’s determination to turn diplomacy into opportunities for investment, technology, trade and development cooperation. At home, the government entered the new year emphasizing economic transformation, logistics development, digitalization, climate resilience and reconciliation. The release of more than 600 federal prisoners added a strong political and reconciliation dimension to the New Year, while renewed discussion over Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable Red Sea access placed the country’s economic and security interests at the centre of a wider regional debate. Taken together, the week’s developments point to an emerging national strategy: strengthen domestic productive capacity, widen international partnerships, attract capital and technology, deepen regional influence and pursue strategic interests while maintaining a commitment to cooperation and peaceful engagement. A New Year of Renewal and Reflection   Ethiopia celebrated Enkutatash 2019 on September 11, following the five-day Pagume period that bridges the old and new years. The occasion carried both cultural and political significance. Government leaders used the New Year to emphasize peace, national unity, development and continued reform. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and First Lady Zinash Tayachew shared a New Year meal with members of the local community, underscoring the traditional values of solidarity and togetherness. Enkutatash is among Ethiopia’s most distinctive cultural celebrations. Observed on Meskerem 1, it marks the beginning of a new year in the Ethiopian calendar and coincides with the transition from the rainy season to clearer skies, green landscapes and the appearance of the yellow Adey Abeba flowers. But Enkutatash represents more than the turning of a calendar page. It is a season of renewal, hope, reconciliation and togetherness. Families gather, children visit relatives and friends, traditional foods are prepared and people exchange wishes for peace, health and prosperity. Young girls traditionally perform Hoya Hoye, moving from house to house and receiving gifts in return. Across Ethiopia’s diverse communities, the New Year is celebrated through different traditions, music, dance, clothing and cuisine, while retaining a shared spirit of renewal. Churches and religious communities also hold special services, prayers and celebrations. In Addis Ababa and other cities, the celebration is increasingly accompanied by public cultural programmes, concerts, exhibitions and community events. Diplomatic representatives, including Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise and Cameroon’s Ambassador Churchill Ewumbue Monono, also extended New Year greetings to Ethiopians. For many Ethiopians, Enkutatash is therefore both celebration and reflection—a moment to leave behind the difficulties of the previous year, strengthen relationships and enter the new one with renewed determination. BRICS Puts Ethiopia’s Global South Strategy in Focus   The most prominent diplomatic development of the week was Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s participation in the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi. For Ethiopia, the summit was more than a high-level diplomatic gathering. It offered a platform to deepen engagement with major emerging economies while advancing Addis Ababa’s broader effort to strengthen Africa’s role within an evolving global order. Prime Minister Abiy called for stronger BRICS cooperation with Africa, particularly in minerals, renewable energy and industrial development. He stressed the importance of enabling African countries to move beyond exporting raw materials and capture greater value from their resources. Artificial intelligence also featured prominently in Ethiopia’s message. PM Abiy urged BRICS countries to ensure that AI becomes a tool for Africa’s development rather than another source of technological inequality. Debt sustainability and climate finance were also highlighted, linking the priorities of emerging economies with the development challenges confronting Africa. Ethiopia further proposed a BRICS coordination track toward COP32, which Addis Ababa is scheduled to host in 2027. The proposal reflects Ethiopia’s effort to connect economic diplomacy, climate action and the development priorities of the Global South. The strategic significance for Ethiopia is considerable. BRICS engagement can potentially expand access to markets, investment, technology and alternative sources of development finance while strengthening relations with some of the world’s fastest-growing economies. In this sense, Ethiopia’s BRICS diplomacy is increasingly economic as well as political. Bilateral Diplomacy Moves Toward Trade, Technology and Investment The New Delhi summit also created space for a series of bilateral engagements. Prime Minister Abiy’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin focused on strengthening the Ethiopia-Russia strategic partnership across areas including defence and security, trade, investment, education, technology, culture, climate and development.   His talks with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi explored opportunities to further strengthen Ethiopia-India relations, particularly in investment, defence and emerging sectors. With Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, discussions focused on investment, tourism, renewable energy and industrial development. Abiy also held discussions with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on Red Sea security and regional stability, while meeting Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Vietnamese Prime Minister Lê Minh Hưng. The breadth of these engagements illustrates a broader shift in Ethiopia’s foreign economic policy: diplomatic relationships are increasingly being viewed as platforms for investment, trade, technology transfer, industrial cooperation and development partnerships. Investment Diplomacy Takes Centre Stage Investment promotion remained another defining feature of the week. President Taye Atske Selassie led a high-level Ethiopian delegation to Dubai for the 15th Annual Investment Meeting, presenting Ethiopia’s investment opportunities and highlighting ongoing economic reforms. Clean energy and other strategic sectors were presented as areas of substantial potential for foreign investment. The engagement formed part of the government’s effort to increase private-sector participation in Ethiopia’s economic transformation. Ethiopia is also seeking stronger economic ties with Gulf countries. President Taye called for increased Qatari investment, reflecting Addis Ababa’s wider effort to attract capital into infrastructure, energy, manufacturing and other productive sectors. The message is increasingly clear: Ethiopia wants foreign investment not simply as a source of capital, but as a vehicle for expanding production, creating jobs, transferring technology and integrating the country more deeply into regional and global markets. Mojo Logistics Hub Strengthens the Trade Infrastructure   The inauguration of the expanded Mojo logistics centre marked another significant development in Ethiopia’s economic transformation. Located about 70 kilometres southeast of Addis Ababa, the facility covers approximately 60 hectares and is designed to increase freight-handling capacity, improve cargo movement and strengthen regional connectivity. Prime Minister Abiy described the project as an important step toward regional economic integration and the practical implementation of Ethiopia’s ambitions under the African Continental Free Trade Area. The significance of logistics extends beyond a single facility. For a landlocked economy heavily dependent on international trade, efficient logistics can reduce transportation costs, improve export competitiveness and connect Ethiopian producers more effectively with regional and international markets. It also complements Ethiopia’s broader maritime strategy: access to ports is only as useful as the inland systems that can move goods efficiently between production centres and maritime corridors. Growth Continues, but Transformation Must Reach Households Ethiopia entered 2019 with economic transformation remaining at the centre of the government’s agenda. Macroeconomic reform, private-sector development, manufacturing, agricultural commercialization, export growth and infrastructure expansion remain key priorities. The World Bank reported 9.2 percent economic growth for Ethiopia in fiscal year 2024/25, placing the country among Africa’s faster-growing economies. Yet strong headline growth does not automatically translate into broad-based prosperity. Low per-capita income, limited employment opportunities and pressure on household purchasing power remain significant challenges. The central question for the new year, therefore, is not simply whether Ethiopia can sustain growth, but whether growth can generate productive employment, strengthen household incomes and improve living standards. Reconciliation at the Start of a New Year Peace and reconciliation also featured prominently as Ethiopia entered 2019. More than 600 federal prisoners, including prominent figures, were released around the New Year. The move was presented as part of broader efforts to promote reconciliation and create conditions for political dialogue. Prime Minister Abiy urged those released to use the opportunity to begin the New Year in a spirit of peace and contribute to the outcomes of the national consultation process. The releases gave the New Year a powerful reconciliation message. At the same time, Ethiopia’s continuing security challenges demonstrate that reconciliation is not a single event but a longer national process. Turning political openings into sustainable peace remains one of the country’s most important—and difficult—tasks. From Paper to Digital Digital transformation is becoming increasingly central to Ethiopia’s development ambitions. In a message marking Pagume 5, described as “The Day of the Future,” Prime Minister Abiy said Ethiopia was moving “from paper to digital, from passive consumption to active innovation.” The ambition goes beyond expanding internet access. Ethiopia is seeking to develop domestic technological capacity, modernize public services and build an economy capable of producing technology and innovation. Artificial intelligence is emerging as an important part of that strategy. Officials from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development visited the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute as part of regional consultations on an IGAD AI framework and strategy. At the BRICS summit, Abiy linked AI directly to Africa’s development, arguing that technological advancement should contribute to economic transformation and digital sovereignty. For Ethiopia, AI has potential applications across agriculture, healthcare, education, finance, manufacturing and public administration. The challenge now is implementation: building the infrastructure, skills, institutions and locally relevant solutions required to translate ambitious digital policies into measurable economic and social gains. Green Growth and Climate Resilience   Climate resilience was another important theme of the week. An assessment by AlphaGeo ranked Addis Ababa second globally and first in Africa among major cities for climate resilience, using geospatial artificial intelligence to assess climate exposure and adaptation capacity. The assessment comes as Ethiopia continues to position renewable energy, environmental restoration, green infrastructure and climate adaptation as integral components of its development strategy. A Green Growth Investment Forum held during the week called for stronger private-sector participation in green investment, reflecting an effort to connect environmental priorities with economic opportunity. Ethiopia’s preparations to host COP32 in 2027 provide an additional international platform. Addis Ababa is seeking to use the conference to amplify Africa’s voice on climate finance while promoting renewable energy, green investment and climate-resilient development. The broader challenge will be to ensure that climate action supports economic transformation rather than competing with it. Red Sea Access: A Strategic Question Ethiopia Cannot Ignore Perhaps no issue carries a greater strategic regional dimension than Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable and sovereign access to the Red Sea. For Ethiopia, the issue is increasingly connected to economic development, national security, trade and the country’s demographic trajectory. Education Minister and economist Professor Berhanu Nega argued that Ethiopia’s growing population and economic requirements make the question of sea access increasingly difficult to postpone. “You cannot have 130 million people sitting here without access to the sea at a time when sea access is very important for security as well as trade,” Berhanu said. At the same time, he stressed that Ethiopia should pursue its objective peacefully and in a way that benefits neighbouring countries. “It is better if we do this peacefully, and not only peacefully but for mutual benefit, so that all of us can benefit from this,” he said. Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise also expressed support for Ethiopia’s pursuit of sea access, describing it as a matter with wider implications for Red Sea stability. “Empowering and strengthening Ethiopia and creating stability in the Red Sea is the interest of all, not only for Ethiopia,” he said, adding that Ethiopia’s return to the Red Sea would be positive.   He further warned that instability along the maritime corridor could have consequences far beyond the Horn of Africa and the Middle East, affecting international trade and the global economy. Other analysts have placed greater emphasis on negotiation and regional arrangements. Former US Ambassador to Ethiopia and George Washington University adjunct professor David Shinn has suggested that Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations could potentially form part of a broader diplomatic understanding involving Ethiopia, Egypt and Eritrea. These perspectives point to the central challenge facing Ethiopia’s maritime ambitions. For Addis Ababa, dependable sea access is increasingly viewed as an economic and strategic necessity. For its neighbours, however, any new maritime arrangement must be carefully managed to avoid aggravating existing regional rivalries. The issue will therefore require diplomacy as much as strategy. Red Sea Insecurity Raises the Stakes The security situation around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb adds another layer of urgency. Bab el-Mandeb connects the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and serves as a critical maritime gateway between the Indian Ocean and the Suez Canal route. Continued insecurity can disrupt shipping, increase transportation and insurance costs and place additional pressure on already vulnerable global supply chains. For Ethiopia, which depends heavily on maritime trade, prolonged disruption can directly affect the cost and reliability of imports and exports. This makes the maritime question part of a much larger economic equation. Efficient inland logistics, diversified trade corridors and stable regional maritime arrangements are all essential to protecting Ethiopia’s economic interests. The Bigger Picture The first major week of Ethiopia’s 2019 Ethiopian calendar year brought together issues that may initially appear separate but are increasingly interconnected. BRICS diplomacy is about more than foreign policy—it is also about markets, investment, technology and development finance. Investment diplomacy is about more than attracting capital—it is about expanding productive capacity, creating jobs and strengthening Ethiopia’s position in global value chains. The Mojo logistics centre is about more than cargo—it is part of the infrastructure required to make Ethiopia more competitive in regional and international trade. Digital transformation and artificial intelligence are about more than technology—they are increasingly tied to productivity, public services, innovation and economic sovereignty. Green development is about more than environmental protection—it is becoming an important source of investment, energy security and international influence. And the Red Sea question is about more than geography—it sits at the intersection of trade, security, demography, regional diplomacy and Ethiopia’s long-term economic ambitions. The release of more than 600 prisoners, meanwhile, gave the beginning of the new year a powerful message of reconciliation, even as continuing security challenges underline the difficult road ahead. A New Year, A Larger Strategic Test As Ethiopia begins 2019, the country faces the challenge of connecting these different priorities into one coherent national strategy. Economic growth must translate into jobs and better living standards. Investment must strengthen productive sectors rather than simply increase capital inflows. Digitalization must deliver practical gains. Climate action must support development. Reconciliation must contribute to lasting peace. And diplomacy must protect Ethiopia’s economic and strategic interests while avoiding unnecessary regional confrontation. The coming year will therefore be measured not only by the scale of Ethiopia’s ambitions, but by its ability to convert those ambitions into results. Ethiopia is seeking a larger role in the global economy, deeper partnerships with emerging powers, greater technological capacity, stronger regional connectivity and a more secure place within the maritime geography of the Horn of Africa. The strategic test will be to pursue these objectives while balancing national interests with regional cooperation and stability. That balance may ultimately define Ethiopia’s journey through 2019—and shape how the country positions itself in an increasingly competitive and interconnected world.
18th BRICS Summit Concludes with Adoption of New Delhi Declaration
Sep 13, 2026 10538
Addis Ababa, September 13, 2026 (ENA) —The 18th BRICS Summit concluded today in New Delhi with the adoption of the New Delhi Declaration. The Declaration reaffirms the bloc’s commitment to strengthening cooperation, promoting inclusive development and advancing a more representative and responsive international order. Held under India’s Presidency on September 12–13, 2026, the summit brought together BRICS leaders under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability.”   The New Delhi Declaration reaffirms the principles of mutual respect and understanding, sovereign equality, solidarity, democracy, openness, inclusiveness, collaboration and consensus, while setting out shared priorities and the future direction of BRICS cooperation. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed participated in the summit, where he called for stronger partnerships within BRICS and deeper engagement with Africa, emphasizing the bloc’s potential to connect capital, technology and markets with the resources and opportunities of its member and partner economies. “Across BRICS, we have capital, technology and markets. The opportunity is to bring them together, create more value, and ensure that value is generated where resources are found,” Prime Minister Abiy said in a message shared on his social media platforms.   He highlighted Ethiopia’s readiness to expand cooperation in minerals, renewable energy and manufacturing, while underscoring the importance of building resilience, accelerating economic transformation and strengthening climate action. The Prime Minister also called for stronger cooperation among BRICS members and greater engagement with Africa, highlighting the need to ensure that emerging global partnerships generate tangible opportunities for developing economies. On the sidelines of the summit, Prime Minister Abiy held bilateral meetings with several leaders, including Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. The engagements explored opportunities to deepen bilateral and economic cooperation, including investment, trade, technology, regional affairs and other areas of mutual interest.   Prime Minister Abiy also participated in a closed session of BRICS leaders on “Inclusive Global Governance and Strengthening Multilateralism,” where leaders addressed the need for a more inclusive, representative and responsive global governance system. Discussions focused on reform of the United Nations system, the international financial architecture and the multilateral trading system, reflecting growing calls from the Global South for greater representation and a stronger voice in international decision-making. The summit also brought together business leaders, investors and entrepreneurs, including representatives of the BRICS Business Council and BRICS Women’s Business Alliance, underscoring the growing role of the private sector in advancing trade, investment and economic cooperation. With the adoption of the New Delhi Declaration, the summit concluded with a renewed emphasis on resilience, innovation, economic cooperation and sustainable development, while reinforcing BRICS’ evolving role in shaping a more inclusive and multipolar global order.
Politics
Egypt Must Align Its Nile Strategies with the Realities of 21st Century
Sep 15, 2026 5208
Abay/Nile Waters at the Intersection of Ethiopia- Egypt Relations   Sept. 15, 2026 (ENA) By Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka (PHD) Background The Nile is one of the world’s great transboundary river systems, shared by eleven riparian countries. Egypt and Sudan are the principal downstream states with virtually no contribution to the flow of the Nile. The Nile’s waters originate in the upstream countries, Ethiopia being the source of the Blue Nile. The Blue Nile, originating in the Ethiopian highlands, contributes 86% share of the Nile’s annual flow. For centuries, the utilization of Nile waters has been a source of tension between upstream and downstream countries. Historical circumstances, colonial legacies and competing interpretations of rights over the river have contributed to a pattern of mistrust that has often prevented the emergence of a genuinely cooperative basin-wide framework. Egypt, in particular, has developed and maintained an entrenched position concerning the allocation and utilization of the Nile waters. Its continued emphasis on what it describes as “historical rights” and on agreements concluded during periods when most upstream countries were not parties to the negotiations has made it difficult to establish a framework based on contemporary principles of international water law, particularly equitable and reasonable utilization and the obligation to cooperate. The 1959 Agreement between Egypt and Sudan is a particularly important example. The agreement allocated the entire estimated Nile flow between the two downstream countries without the participation of the other riparian states, including Ethiopia, the source of the Blue Nile. It is difficult to envisage how such an arrangement could provide a sustainable basis for managing a shared trans boundary resource in the twenty-first century. The fundamental issue, therefore, is not whether Egypt has legitimate interests in the Nile. It unquestionably does. The question is whether those interests can legitimately be pursued at the expense of the equally legitimate interests of the other riparian states. Why Egypt Needs a New Nile Strategy for the 21st Century? Egypt’s heavy dependence on the Nile is a reality that Ethiopia fully understands. But dependence does not confer a monopoly over a shared international watercourse. The challenge is to reconcile Egypt’s legitimate water-security concerns with the development aspirations and rights of the upstream countries. The twenty-first century has transformed the political, economic and technological circumstances of the Nile Basin. Population growth, climate change, food insecurity, energy demands, economic development and changing patterns of regional cooperation have fundamentally altered the context in which Nile waters must be managed. It is therefore neither realistic nor sustainable to approach the Nile exclusively through the prism of historical allocations. The river must increasingly be viewed as a shared resource whose sustainable management requires cooperation, dialogue, scientific evidence and equitable utilization. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) represents perhaps the clearest manifestation of this changing reality. The GERD has demonstrated Ethiopia’s growing capacity to mobilize domestic resources and undertake major infrastructure projects in pursuit of its national development objectives. Whatever one’s position on the dam, it has fundamentally changed the political and strategic context of the Nile question.   Consequently, statements that Ethiopia should not be permitted to construct another dam on the Blue Nile cannot provide a serious basis for future policy. Ethiopia’s development needs cannot be indefinitely subordinated to another country’s perception of its own water security. Nor is it realistic to assume that Ethiopia’s development projects on the Nile can be prevented indefinitely through efforts to restrict international financing. The experience of the GERD demonstrated Ethiopia’s ability to mobilize domestic resources when external financing was unavailable. This is an important lesson for all concerned: the future of the Nile cannot be determined through vetoes, pressure or attempts to prevent development. It must be shaped through cooperation. The same applies to the broader political relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt. Attempts to address differences over the Nile through political pressure, geopolitical rivalry or support for destabilizing forces cannot provide a sustainable solution. Such approaches risk deepening mistrust and making an eventual settlement more difficult. Military confrontation is equally untenable. No military strategy can produce sustainable water security. The Nile will continue to flow across borders long after political crises have passed. The only durable answer is therefore a political and diplomatic framework that recognizes the legitimate interests of all riparian countries. Other major transboundary river systems demonstrate that shared rivers need not inevitably become sources of military confrontation. China, for example, shares numerous transboundary rivers with neighboring countries and has developed a variety of mechanisms for managing shared water interests. The experiences of other river basins demonstrate that differences can be managed through dialogue, cooperation and negotiated arrangements. The Comprehensive Framework Agreement and the Changing Regional Context The effort by the Nile Basin riparian states to establish a basin-wide legal framework has been underway for many years. The negotiation of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) was intended to provide a more inclusive and equitable basis for cooperation among the Nile Basin countries. The CFA’s evolution reflects an important reality: upstream countries increasingly expect their interests and development needs to be recognized within the governance of the Nile Basin. The issue is therefore larger than the GERD or the relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia. It concerns the fundamental question of how an international river basin should be governed in an era of population growth, climate change, energy transition and rapid economic transformation.   A sustainable Nile framework cannot be built around arrangements negotiated without the participation of all concerned states. Nor can the interests of downstream countries simply be ignored. The answer lies in developing an inclusive framework that accommodates the legitimate concerns of downstream states while recognizing the development rights of upstream countries. Ethiopia’s Cooperative Approach Should Not Be Mistaken for Weakness Since the political transition of 1991, Ethiopia has repeatedly expressed its preference for dialogue and cooperation in addressing the Nile question. The 1993 memorandum of understanding reached during the visit of Ethiopia’s Transitional Government leadership to Cairo and the subsequent 2015 Declaration of Principles on the GERD involving Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan were important demonstrations of Ethiopia’s willingness to engage diplomatically and seek mutually beneficial solutions. The Declaration of Principles was particularly significant because it established a set of principles intended to guide the three countries in addressing issues related to the GERD, including cooperation, equitable and reasonable utilization, the obligation not to cause significant harm, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. These initiatives demonstrate that Ethiopia does not seek confrontation with Egypt. Indeed, Ethiopia has repeatedly made clear that it has no intention in harming the Egyptian people. This was amply stated by PM Abiy Ahmed during his offical visit to Cairo. Ethiopians and Egyptians share deep historical, cultural and human bonds. If the two countries estblish cooperation and working together, the benefits will transcend the borders of the two countries. The outcome will have broader regional impact. The Nile should be a bridge connecting the peoples of the two countries rather than a permanent source of antagonism between them. But cooperation is necessarily reciprocal. Ethiopia’s willingness to negotiate should not be interpreted as an acceptance of arrangements that deny its legitimate development interests. Nor should restraint be mistaken for weakness. Ethiopia has legitimate interests in using its natural resources to reduce poverty, expand access to electricity, develop agriculture and transform its economy. At the same time, Ethiopia has an interest in ensuring that its utilization of the Nile is undertaken responsibly and without significant harm to downstream populations. This is precisely why a cooperative framework is possible. The Way Forward: From Confrontation to Cooperation The Nile question has reached a point where old assumptions need to be reconsidered. Egypt’s water-security concerns are legitimate. Ethiopia’s development aspirations are equally legitimate. Sudan also has legitimate interests that must be taken into account. The challenge is to create a framework in which these interests are not viewed as mutually exclusive. The choice before Egypt and Ethiopia should therefore not be framed as a choice between Egyptian water security and Ethiopian development. The real choice is between competition and cooperation; confrontation and dialogue; unilateralism and shared governance. There is considerable room for cooperation. The two countries could strengthen scientific and technical cooperation on hydrology, climate change, drought and flood management, sedimentation, agricultural productivity, electricity trade and water-use efficiency. Ethiopia’s potential for hydropower development and Egypt’s expertise in water management could, for example, become complementary rather than competing assets. A broader economic relationship could also transform the politics of the Nile. Energy trade, investment, infrastructure connectivity, agriculture and regional economic integration could create incentives for both countries to regard the river as an opportunity for mutual benefit rather than a zero-sum contest. The way forward is therefore not through threats, pressure or attempts to prevent Ethiopia from developing its water resources. Nor is it through unilateral actions that disregard the legitimate concerns of downstream countries. The answer is a return to the negotiating table with a different mindset. Egypt needs to recognize that the Nile Basin of the twenty-first century is fundamentally different from the Nile Basin of the nineteenth or twentieth century. Ethiopia, for its part, should continue to demonstrate that its development of the Nile can coexist with the legitimate water-security interests of downstream countries. The central principle should be simple: no country should seek to monopolize a shared river, and no country should be denied its legitimate right to development. The Nile can become either a permanent fault line between Egypt and Ethiopia or an unprecedented opportunity for cooperation between two ancient civilizations. The choice is ultimately political.   What is required now is not another round of confrontation, but a new political understanding—one founded on sovereign equality, equitable and reasonable utilization, mutual respect, scientific cooperation and shared prosperity. The Nile does not belong to one country. It is a shared resource, and its future must be built on shared responsibility. …………………… * The author is former Ethiopian Ambassador to Egypt. The views only represent that of the author alone. Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka is a senior Ethiopian politician and veteran diplomat. He served as Speaker of the House of Peoples' Representatives, Minister of Youth, Sports, and Culture, and Commissioner of the National Rehabilitation Commission. In his diplomatic career, he served as Ambassador to the European Union, China, Kenya, and Ghana.
BRICS Summit Backs Ethiopia’s Global Diplomatic, Economic Agenda
Sep 14, 2026 11975
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed participated in the second and final day of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi on September 13, as leaders of the bloc member countries concluded two days of high-level deliberations with the adoption of the New Delhi Declaration. Held under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability,” the summit brought together heads of state and government from BRICS member and partner countries, alongside leaders of international institutions, to discuss major global and regional issues and strengthen cooperation across the Global South. The summit concluded with the adoption of the BRICS New Delhi Declaration, containing 140 consensus positions that set out the bloc’s collective positions on a wide range of issues.   The New Delhi Declaration underscores the need to reform global governance institutions, strengthen international and regional peace and security, promote sustainable economic growth, and foster greater people-to-people exchanges. According to a social media post by the Office of the Prime Minister, the declaration also reaffirmed strong BRICS support for Ethiopia’s ongoing accession process to the World Trade Organization (WTO), reinforcing the country’s efforts to deepen its integration into the global trading system. The BRICS leaders further expressed strong support for Ethiopia’s candidature as the sole candidate endorsed by the African Union for an additional seat on the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) Council. The bloc also jointly backed Ethiopia’s preparations to host the 32nd United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP32), scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa in 2027, highlighting Ethiopia’s growing role in advancing global climate and development priorities.   Beyond the multilateral outcomes, Prime Minister Abiy held a series of bilateral meetings with leaders of BRICS member and partner countries on the sidelines of the summit. The discussions focused on expanding cooperation in key areas, including trade, investment, defense, technology and digitalization, with an emphasis on strengthening mutually beneficial partnerships. The Prime Minister had earlier attended the opening session of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit on September 12 and joined other leaders at a gala dinner following the first day’s proceedings, it was learned. At the conclusion of the two-day summit, BRICS leaders approved China as the host of the 19th BRICS Summit, marking the next stage in the bloc’s expanding cooperation.   Prime Minister Abiy has since returned to Addis Ababa following his participation in the summit, where Ethiopia’s diplomatic engagement highlighted its growing role in BRICS and its broader pursuit of economic, technological and strategic partnerships.
Germany, Denmark Reaffirm Cultural and Green Ties with Ethiopia
Sep 14, 2026 7489
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) — Germany and Denmark have emphasized cultural diplomacy, people to people exchanges, academic cooperation and green transformation as key pillars of their longstanding partnerships with Ethiopia. In a recent interview with ENA, Ferdinand von Weyhe, Germany’s Deputy Head of Mission, noted cultural diplomacy and people to people relations remain central to the bilateral relationship. He further stressed that high level political engagement should be complemented by direct connections between the peoples of the two countries. “It is very important because, in the end, you may have high level political interaction and conversations, but it is ultimately about people-to-people relations. We are defined by our culture, and it is enriching to experience other cultures and be inspired by them,” von Weyhe said. He further noted cultural diplomacy and cultural exchange constitute core pillars of Germany’s cooperation with Ethiopia, noting that bilateral relations are reflected in practical initiatives and institutional partnerships. “Cultural diplomacy and cultural exchange are among the core pillars of our bilateral cooperation. We can always talk at a high level, but it has to come down to concrete cooperation,” he said. Von Weyhe cited the German Embassy School in Addis Ababa, the Goethe-Institut, educational exchanges involving Ethiopian students studying in Germany, and archaeological cooperation as examples of the concrete dimensions of the partnership.     “One very concrete example is our German School here in Addis Ababa and the Goethe-Institut, as well as the many Ethiopian students who go to Germany to study and our archaeological cooperation,” he said. He particularly highlighted the longstanding archaeological cooperation between the two countries, including joint research at Yeha, near Adwa in the Tigray Region, where Ethiopian and German archaeologists continue to work together. “This year we are celebrating 120 years of the German Aksum Expedition. This is not simply something that happened 120 years ago. Even today, there is archaeological cooperation in Yeha, close to Adwa, where Ethiopian and German archaeologists are excavating together. This is culture at its best,” von Weyhe said. The German diplomat also pointed to the historical depth of relations between the two countries, noting that Germany and Ethiopia recently marked significant milestones in their diplomatic and cultural ties. He further highlighted a recent cultural exchange involving the donation of historical artifacts to the Institute of Ethiopian Studies at Addis Ababa University. According to von Weyhe, descendants of a German diplomat who served in Ethiopia about a century ago donated cultural items, including a crown and a shield, that had been presented to their ancestor during his time in Ethiopia. The items had reportedly been given to the German diplomat’s family by Ras Tafari, who later became Emperor Haile Selassie I. The family subsequently decided to return the artifacts to Ethiopia, where they could be preserved and made accessible through the Institute of Ethiopian Studies. “The return of these cultural items was a very enriching and powerful signal for cultural cooperation. The heirs of my predecessor, a German diplomat who served 100 years ago, decided that they had no use for the artifacts in their home in Europe and donated them to the Institute of Ethiopian Studies. I think this was a very powerful gesture,” von Weyhe said. Meanwhile, Denmark highlighted green transformation and sustainable economic growth as important areas of its cooperation with Ethiopia. Denmark’s Deputy Head of Mission Mirja Crone also told ENA that past year had been marked by significant progress in both Ethiopian government initiatives and Danish Ethiopian cooperation, particularly in efforts to support a greener and more sustainable economy. “It has been a very busy year, with many achievements by the Ethiopian government and in Danish Ethiopian cooperation as well. We are working toward a greener transformation, bringing Danish expertise together with Ethiopian companies and professionals to promote more sustainable and green growth,” she said.     The cooperation involves sharing Danish expertise with Ethiopian companies and professionals, with the aim of supporting sustainable economic development and advancing Ethiopia’s green transition. The diplomats made the remarks during New Year visits to their respective embassies. The visits were organized jointly by the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Tourism as part of broader efforts to strengthen cultural diplomacy, diplomatic engagement and people to people relations. The diplomats highlight the expanding scope of Ethiopia’s partnerships with European countries, extending beyond traditional diplomatic engagement to include cultural exchange, education, archaeology, professional cooperation, sustainable development and green economic transformation.
BRICS Reaffirms Support for Ethiopia’s WTO Bid, ICAO Candidacy, and COP32 Presidency
Sep 14, 2026 24892
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —The BRICS member states have reaffirmed their support for Ethiopia’s bid to join the World Trade Organization (WTO), its candidacy for the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) Council, and its bid for the presidency of the UN climate change conference COP32. According to a social media post by the Office of the Prime Minister, the positions are reflected in the New Delhi Declaration adopted at the 18th BRICS Summit held in New Delhi, India, from September 12 to 13, 2026. The declaration states that BRICS strongly supports Ethiopia and Iran’s bids for accession to the WTO, in the context of efforts to strengthen the participation of developing countries in the multilateral trading system. It also welcomes Ethiopia’s candidacy for the ICAO Council, noting that Ethiopia has been endorsed by the African Union as the sole African candidate for the additional Council seat allocated to underrepresented regions. In addition, the declaration expresses support for Ethiopia’s UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) COP32 presidency, following its commendation of the successful conclusion of Brazil’s COP30 presidency. The three positions underline BRICS’ support for Ethiopia’s engagement in key multilateral institutions and processes, spanning global trade, international civil aviation, and climate diplomacy. The New Delhi Declaration was issued under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability.”
Ethiopia’s New Year, BRICS Diplomacy and the Strategic Push for Sea Access
Sep 13, 2026 20536
By Staff Writer Sept. 13, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia entered the 2019 Ethiopian calendar year with an unusually broad national agenda—intensified diplomacy, investment promotion, economic transformation, digital innovation, reconciliation and a renewed focus on strategic maritime interests. From September 6 to 12, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s participation in the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi dominated Ethiopia’s international agenda. His engagements with leaders of major emerging economies highlighted Addis Ababa’s determination to turn diplomacy into opportunities for investment, technology, trade and development cooperation. At home, the government entered the new year emphasizing economic transformation, logistics development, digitalization, climate resilience and reconciliation. The release of more than 600 federal prisoners added a strong political and reconciliation dimension to the New Year, while renewed discussion over Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable Red Sea access placed the country’s economic and security interests at the centre of a wider regional debate. Taken together, the week’s developments point to an emerging national strategy: strengthen domestic productive capacity, widen international partnerships, attract capital and technology, deepen regional influence and pursue strategic interests while maintaining a commitment to cooperation and peaceful engagement. A New Year of Renewal and Reflection   Ethiopia celebrated Enkutatash 2019 on September 11, following the five-day Pagume period that bridges the old and new years. The occasion carried both cultural and political significance. Government leaders used the New Year to emphasize peace, national unity, development and continued reform. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and First Lady Zinash Tayachew shared a New Year meal with members of the local community, underscoring the traditional values of solidarity and togetherness. Enkutatash is among Ethiopia’s most distinctive cultural celebrations. Observed on Meskerem 1, it marks the beginning of a new year in the Ethiopian calendar and coincides with the transition from the rainy season to clearer skies, green landscapes and the appearance of the yellow Adey Abeba flowers. But Enkutatash represents more than the turning of a calendar page. It is a season of renewal, hope, reconciliation and togetherness. Families gather, children visit relatives and friends, traditional foods are prepared and people exchange wishes for peace, health and prosperity. Young girls traditionally perform Hoya Hoye, moving from house to house and receiving gifts in return. Across Ethiopia’s diverse communities, the New Year is celebrated through different traditions, music, dance, clothing and cuisine, while retaining a shared spirit of renewal. Churches and religious communities also hold special services, prayers and celebrations. In Addis Ababa and other cities, the celebration is increasingly accompanied by public cultural programmes, concerts, exhibitions and community events. Diplomatic representatives, including Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise and Cameroon’s Ambassador Churchill Ewumbue Monono, also extended New Year greetings to Ethiopians. For many Ethiopians, Enkutatash is therefore both celebration and reflection—a moment to leave behind the difficulties of the previous year, strengthen relationships and enter the new one with renewed determination. BRICS Puts Ethiopia’s Global South Strategy in Focus   The most prominent diplomatic development of the week was Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s participation in the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi. For Ethiopia, the summit was more than a high-level diplomatic gathering. It offered a platform to deepen engagement with major emerging economies while advancing Addis Ababa’s broader effort to strengthen Africa’s role within an evolving global order. Prime Minister Abiy called for stronger BRICS cooperation with Africa, particularly in minerals, renewable energy and industrial development. He stressed the importance of enabling African countries to move beyond exporting raw materials and capture greater value from their resources. Artificial intelligence also featured prominently in Ethiopia’s message. PM Abiy urged BRICS countries to ensure that AI becomes a tool for Africa’s development rather than another source of technological inequality. Debt sustainability and climate finance were also highlighted, linking the priorities of emerging economies with the development challenges confronting Africa. Ethiopia further proposed a BRICS coordination track toward COP32, which Addis Ababa is scheduled to host in 2027. The proposal reflects Ethiopia’s effort to connect economic diplomacy, climate action and the development priorities of the Global South. The strategic significance for Ethiopia is considerable. BRICS engagement can potentially expand access to markets, investment, technology and alternative sources of development finance while strengthening relations with some of the world’s fastest-growing economies. In this sense, Ethiopia’s BRICS diplomacy is increasingly economic as well as political. Bilateral Diplomacy Moves Toward Trade, Technology and Investment The New Delhi summit also created space for a series of bilateral engagements. Prime Minister Abiy’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin focused on strengthening the Ethiopia-Russia strategic partnership across areas including defence and security, trade, investment, education, technology, culture, climate and development.   His talks with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi explored opportunities to further strengthen Ethiopia-India relations, particularly in investment, defence and emerging sectors. With Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, discussions focused on investment, tourism, renewable energy and industrial development. Abiy also held discussions with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on Red Sea security and regional stability, while meeting Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Vietnamese Prime Minister Lê Minh Hưng. The breadth of these engagements illustrates a broader shift in Ethiopia’s foreign economic policy: diplomatic relationships are increasingly being viewed as platforms for investment, trade, technology transfer, industrial cooperation and development partnerships. Investment Diplomacy Takes Centre Stage Investment promotion remained another defining feature of the week. President Taye Atske Selassie led a high-level Ethiopian delegation to Dubai for the 15th Annual Investment Meeting, presenting Ethiopia’s investment opportunities and highlighting ongoing economic reforms. Clean energy and other strategic sectors were presented as areas of substantial potential for foreign investment. The engagement formed part of the government’s effort to increase private-sector participation in Ethiopia’s economic transformation. Ethiopia is also seeking stronger economic ties with Gulf countries. President Taye called for increased Qatari investment, reflecting Addis Ababa’s wider effort to attract capital into infrastructure, energy, manufacturing and other productive sectors. The message is increasingly clear: Ethiopia wants foreign investment not simply as a source of capital, but as a vehicle for expanding production, creating jobs, transferring technology and integrating the country more deeply into regional and global markets. Mojo Logistics Hub Strengthens the Trade Infrastructure   The inauguration of the expanded Mojo logistics centre marked another significant development in Ethiopia’s economic transformation. Located about 70 kilometres southeast of Addis Ababa, the facility covers approximately 60 hectares and is designed to increase freight-handling capacity, improve cargo movement and strengthen regional connectivity. Prime Minister Abiy described the project as an important step toward regional economic integration and the practical implementation of Ethiopia’s ambitions under the African Continental Free Trade Area. The significance of logistics extends beyond a single facility. For a landlocked economy heavily dependent on international trade, efficient logistics can reduce transportation costs, improve export competitiveness and connect Ethiopian producers more effectively with regional and international markets. It also complements Ethiopia’s broader maritime strategy: access to ports is only as useful as the inland systems that can move goods efficiently between production centres and maritime corridors. Growth Continues, but Transformation Must Reach Households Ethiopia entered 2019 with economic transformation remaining at the centre of the government’s agenda. Macroeconomic reform, private-sector development, manufacturing, agricultural commercialization, export growth and infrastructure expansion remain key priorities. The World Bank reported 9.2 percent economic growth for Ethiopia in fiscal year 2024/25, placing the country among Africa’s faster-growing economies. Yet strong headline growth does not automatically translate into broad-based prosperity. Low per-capita income, limited employment opportunities and pressure on household purchasing power remain significant challenges. The central question for the new year, therefore, is not simply whether Ethiopia can sustain growth, but whether growth can generate productive employment, strengthen household incomes and improve living standards. Reconciliation at the Start of a New Year Peace and reconciliation also featured prominently as Ethiopia entered 2019. More than 600 federal prisoners, including prominent figures, were released around the New Year. The move was presented as part of broader efforts to promote reconciliation and create conditions for political dialogue. Prime Minister Abiy urged those released to use the opportunity to begin the New Year in a spirit of peace and contribute to the outcomes of the national consultation process. The releases gave the New Year a powerful reconciliation message. At the same time, Ethiopia’s continuing security challenges demonstrate that reconciliation is not a single event but a longer national process. Turning political openings into sustainable peace remains one of the country’s most important—and difficult—tasks. From Paper to Digital Digital transformation is becoming increasingly central to Ethiopia’s development ambitions. In a message marking Pagume 5, described as “The Day of the Future,” Prime Minister Abiy said Ethiopia was moving “from paper to digital, from passive consumption to active innovation.” The ambition goes beyond expanding internet access. Ethiopia is seeking to develop domestic technological capacity, modernize public services and build an economy capable of producing technology and innovation. Artificial intelligence is emerging as an important part of that strategy. Officials from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development visited the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute as part of regional consultations on an IGAD AI framework and strategy. At the BRICS summit, Abiy linked AI directly to Africa’s development, arguing that technological advancement should contribute to economic transformation and digital sovereignty. For Ethiopia, AI has potential applications across agriculture, healthcare, education, finance, manufacturing and public administration. The challenge now is implementation: building the infrastructure, skills, institutions and locally relevant solutions required to translate ambitious digital policies into measurable economic and social gains. Green Growth and Climate Resilience   Climate resilience was another important theme of the week. An assessment by AlphaGeo ranked Addis Ababa second globally and first in Africa among major cities for climate resilience, using geospatial artificial intelligence to assess climate exposure and adaptation capacity. The assessment comes as Ethiopia continues to position renewable energy, environmental restoration, green infrastructure and climate adaptation as integral components of its development strategy. A Green Growth Investment Forum held during the week called for stronger private-sector participation in green investment, reflecting an effort to connect environmental priorities with economic opportunity. Ethiopia’s preparations to host COP32 in 2027 provide an additional international platform. Addis Ababa is seeking to use the conference to amplify Africa’s voice on climate finance while promoting renewable energy, green investment and climate-resilient development. The broader challenge will be to ensure that climate action supports economic transformation rather than competing with it. Red Sea Access: A Strategic Question Ethiopia Cannot Ignore Perhaps no issue carries a greater strategic regional dimension than Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable and sovereign access to the Red Sea. For Ethiopia, the issue is increasingly connected to economic development, national security, trade and the country’s demographic trajectory. Education Minister and economist Professor Berhanu Nega argued that Ethiopia’s growing population and economic requirements make the question of sea access increasingly difficult to postpone. “You cannot have 130 million people sitting here without access to the sea at a time when sea access is very important for security as well as trade,” Berhanu said. At the same time, he stressed that Ethiopia should pursue its objective peacefully and in a way that benefits neighbouring countries. “It is better if we do this peacefully, and not only peacefully but for mutual benefit, so that all of us can benefit from this,” he said. Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise also expressed support for Ethiopia’s pursuit of sea access, describing it as a matter with wider implications for Red Sea stability. “Empowering and strengthening Ethiopia and creating stability in the Red Sea is the interest of all, not only for Ethiopia,” he said, adding that Ethiopia’s return to the Red Sea would be positive.   He further warned that instability along the maritime corridor could have consequences far beyond the Horn of Africa and the Middle East, affecting international trade and the global economy. Other analysts have placed greater emphasis on negotiation and regional arrangements. Former US Ambassador to Ethiopia and George Washington University adjunct professor David Shinn has suggested that Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations could potentially form part of a broader diplomatic understanding involving Ethiopia, Egypt and Eritrea. These perspectives point to the central challenge facing Ethiopia’s maritime ambitions. For Addis Ababa, dependable sea access is increasingly viewed as an economic and strategic necessity. For its neighbours, however, any new maritime arrangement must be carefully managed to avoid aggravating existing regional rivalries. The issue will therefore require diplomacy as much as strategy. Red Sea Insecurity Raises the Stakes The security situation around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb adds another layer of urgency. Bab el-Mandeb connects the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and serves as a critical maritime gateway between the Indian Ocean and the Suez Canal route. Continued insecurity can disrupt shipping, increase transportation and insurance costs and place additional pressure on already vulnerable global supply chains. For Ethiopia, which depends heavily on maritime trade, prolonged disruption can directly affect the cost and reliability of imports and exports. This makes the maritime question part of a much larger economic equation. Efficient inland logistics, diversified trade corridors and stable regional maritime arrangements are all essential to protecting Ethiopia’s economic interests. The Bigger Picture The first major week of Ethiopia’s 2019 Ethiopian calendar year brought together issues that may initially appear separate but are increasingly interconnected. BRICS diplomacy is about more than foreign policy—it is also about markets, investment, technology and development finance. Investment diplomacy is about more than attracting capital—it is about expanding productive capacity, creating jobs and strengthening Ethiopia’s position in global value chains. The Mojo logistics centre is about more than cargo—it is part of the infrastructure required to make Ethiopia more competitive in regional and international trade. Digital transformation and artificial intelligence are about more than technology—they are increasingly tied to productivity, public services, innovation and economic sovereignty. Green development is about more than environmental protection—it is becoming an important source of investment, energy security and international influence. And the Red Sea question is about more than geography—it sits at the intersection of trade, security, demography, regional diplomacy and Ethiopia’s long-term economic ambitions. The release of more than 600 prisoners, meanwhile, gave the beginning of the new year a powerful message of reconciliation, even as continuing security challenges underline the difficult road ahead. A New Year, A Larger Strategic Test As Ethiopia begins 2019, the country faces the challenge of connecting these different priorities into one coherent national strategy. Economic growth must translate into jobs and better living standards. Investment must strengthen productive sectors rather than simply increase capital inflows. Digitalization must deliver practical gains. Climate action must support development. Reconciliation must contribute to lasting peace. And diplomacy must protect Ethiopia’s economic and strategic interests while avoiding unnecessary regional confrontation. The coming year will therefore be measured not only by the scale of Ethiopia’s ambitions, but by its ability to convert those ambitions into results. Ethiopia is seeking a larger role in the global economy, deeper partnerships with emerging powers, greater technological capacity, stronger regional connectivity and a more secure place within the maritime geography of the Horn of Africa. The strategic test will be to pursue these objectives while balancing national interests with regional cooperation and stability. That balance may ultimately define Ethiopia’s journey through 2019—and shape how the country positions itself in an increasingly competitive and interconnected world.
18th BRICS Summit Concludes with Adoption of New Delhi Declaration
Sep 13, 2026 10538
Addis Ababa, September 13, 2026 (ENA) —The 18th BRICS Summit concluded today in New Delhi with the adoption of the New Delhi Declaration. The Declaration reaffirms the bloc’s commitment to strengthening cooperation, promoting inclusive development and advancing a more representative and responsive international order. Held under India’s Presidency on September 12–13, 2026, the summit brought together BRICS leaders under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability.”   The New Delhi Declaration reaffirms the principles of mutual respect and understanding, sovereign equality, solidarity, democracy, openness, inclusiveness, collaboration and consensus, while setting out shared priorities and the future direction of BRICS cooperation. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed participated in the summit, where he called for stronger partnerships within BRICS and deeper engagement with Africa, emphasizing the bloc’s potential to connect capital, technology and markets with the resources and opportunities of its member and partner economies. “Across BRICS, we have capital, technology and markets. The opportunity is to bring them together, create more value, and ensure that value is generated where resources are found,” Prime Minister Abiy said in a message shared on his social media platforms.   He highlighted Ethiopia’s readiness to expand cooperation in minerals, renewable energy and manufacturing, while underscoring the importance of building resilience, accelerating economic transformation and strengthening climate action. The Prime Minister also called for stronger cooperation among BRICS members and greater engagement with Africa, highlighting the need to ensure that emerging global partnerships generate tangible opportunities for developing economies. On the sidelines of the summit, Prime Minister Abiy held bilateral meetings with several leaders, including Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. The engagements explored opportunities to deepen bilateral and economic cooperation, including investment, trade, technology, regional affairs and other areas of mutual interest.   Prime Minister Abiy also participated in a closed session of BRICS leaders on “Inclusive Global Governance and Strengthening Multilateralism,” where leaders addressed the need for a more inclusive, representative and responsive global governance system. Discussions focused on reform of the United Nations system, the international financial architecture and the multilateral trading system, reflecting growing calls from the Global South for greater representation and a stronger voice in international decision-making. The summit also brought together business leaders, investors and entrepreneurs, including representatives of the BRICS Business Council and BRICS Women’s Business Alliance, underscoring the growing role of the private sector in advancing trade, investment and economic cooperation. With the adoption of the New Delhi Declaration, the summit concluded with a renewed emphasis on resilience, innovation, economic cooperation and sustainable development, while reinforcing BRICS’ evolving role in shaping a more inclusive and multipolar global order.
Social
Ethiopia's Education Reforms Set to Produce Morally Upright, Scientifically Capable Generation: Minister
Sep 14, 2026 6257
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) — Ethiopia’s ongoing education reforms are laying the foundation for a generation that is morally upright, scientifically capable, and equipped to compete in an increasingly challenging global environment, Education Minister Prof. Berhanu Nega said. Speaking to ENA, Prof. Berhanu said the central objective of the reforms is to provide high-quality, equitable education for Ethiopians and prepare the younger generation to confront future challenges and compete with the rest of the world. “Our purpose is quality—significant quality improvement and equity—to make sure that the gap between the rich and the poor in education, which has widened significantly over the last 30 or so years, will be narrowed.” The Minister noted that the government is taking a range of measures to achieve these objectives, including improving teacher quality, expanding access to school supplies, increasing kindergarten services, and upgrading school infrastructure. He stated that kindergarten education, which was previously more accessible to wealthy families in urban areas, is now being expanded to reach a broader section of the population. The government is also investing in school infrastructure to create learning environments that are more attractive and conducive to students, he added. Prof. Berhanu elaborated that curriculum reform is another major component of the education transformation, aimed at improving students’ knowledge and academic capabilities, as well as developing their moral character and sense of responsibility toward society. The revised curriculum is intended to produce citizens who are “morally upright, intellectually capable, and technically astute,” he noted. He pointed out that the reforms are also designed to prepare Ethiopian students for a rapidly changing world marked by geopolitical tensions, technological advances, and other emerging global challenges. The Minister emphasized that the desired generation should be scientifically and technically capable, with an understanding of technological change and how the planet operates, while also possessing the skills to translate knowledge into practical achievements in the economy and other areas of life. “We want to make sure that in the education sector we have cultivated a sufficient number of Ethiopian children—the next generation—who are capable of withstanding all that we think is emerging,” he explained. He underscored that the generation Ethiopia seeks to develop should think beyond individual interests and contribute to the wider society. “What we want from the coming generation is moral uprightness—a generation that thinks not just for itself, but also for the society in which it lives,” he stated, underlining that this is the kind of holistic generation that Ethiopia wants to create.
Ethiopia’s New Year, BRICS Diplomacy and the Strategic Push for Sea Access
Sep 13, 2026 20536
By Staff Writer Sept. 13, 2026 (ENA) Ethiopia entered the 2019 Ethiopian calendar year with an unusually broad national agenda—intensified diplomacy, investment promotion, economic transformation, digital innovation, reconciliation and a renewed focus on strategic maritime interests. From September 6 to 12, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s participation in the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi dominated Ethiopia’s international agenda. His engagements with leaders of major emerging economies highlighted Addis Ababa’s determination to turn diplomacy into opportunities for investment, technology, trade and development cooperation. At home, the government entered the new year emphasizing economic transformation, logistics development, digitalization, climate resilience and reconciliation. The release of more than 600 federal prisoners added a strong political and reconciliation dimension to the New Year, while renewed discussion over Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable Red Sea access placed the country’s economic and security interests at the centre of a wider regional debate. Taken together, the week’s developments point to an emerging national strategy: strengthen domestic productive capacity, widen international partnerships, attract capital and technology, deepen regional influence and pursue strategic interests while maintaining a commitment to cooperation and peaceful engagement. A New Year of Renewal and Reflection   Ethiopia celebrated Enkutatash 2019 on September 11, following the five-day Pagume period that bridges the old and new years. The occasion carried both cultural and political significance. Government leaders used the New Year to emphasize peace, national unity, development and continued reform. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and First Lady Zinash Tayachew shared a New Year meal with members of the local community, underscoring the traditional values of solidarity and togetherness. Enkutatash is among Ethiopia’s most distinctive cultural celebrations. Observed on Meskerem 1, it marks the beginning of a new year in the Ethiopian calendar and coincides with the transition from the rainy season to clearer skies, green landscapes and the appearance of the yellow Adey Abeba flowers. But Enkutatash represents more than the turning of a calendar page. It is a season of renewal, hope, reconciliation and togetherness. Families gather, children visit relatives and friends, traditional foods are prepared and people exchange wishes for peace, health and prosperity. Young girls traditionally perform Hoya Hoye, moving from house to house and receiving gifts in return. Across Ethiopia’s diverse communities, the New Year is celebrated through different traditions, music, dance, clothing and cuisine, while retaining a shared spirit of renewal. Churches and religious communities also hold special services, prayers and celebrations. In Addis Ababa and other cities, the celebration is increasingly accompanied by public cultural programmes, concerts, exhibitions and community events. Diplomatic representatives, including Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise and Cameroon’s Ambassador Churchill Ewumbue Monono, also extended New Year greetings to Ethiopians. For many Ethiopians, Enkutatash is therefore both celebration and reflection—a moment to leave behind the difficulties of the previous year, strengthen relationships and enter the new one with renewed determination. BRICS Puts Ethiopia’s Global South Strategy in Focus   The most prominent diplomatic development of the week was Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s participation in the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi. For Ethiopia, the summit was more than a high-level diplomatic gathering. It offered a platform to deepen engagement with major emerging economies while advancing Addis Ababa’s broader effort to strengthen Africa’s role within an evolving global order. Prime Minister Abiy called for stronger BRICS cooperation with Africa, particularly in minerals, renewable energy and industrial development. He stressed the importance of enabling African countries to move beyond exporting raw materials and capture greater value from their resources. Artificial intelligence also featured prominently in Ethiopia’s message. PM Abiy urged BRICS countries to ensure that AI becomes a tool for Africa’s development rather than another source of technological inequality. Debt sustainability and climate finance were also highlighted, linking the priorities of emerging economies with the development challenges confronting Africa. Ethiopia further proposed a BRICS coordination track toward COP32, which Addis Ababa is scheduled to host in 2027. The proposal reflects Ethiopia’s effort to connect economic diplomacy, climate action and the development priorities of the Global South. The strategic significance for Ethiopia is considerable. BRICS engagement can potentially expand access to markets, investment, technology and alternative sources of development finance while strengthening relations with some of the world’s fastest-growing economies. In this sense, Ethiopia’s BRICS diplomacy is increasingly economic as well as political. Bilateral Diplomacy Moves Toward Trade, Technology and Investment The New Delhi summit also created space for a series of bilateral engagements. Prime Minister Abiy’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin focused on strengthening the Ethiopia-Russia strategic partnership across areas including defence and security, trade, investment, education, technology, culture, climate and development.   His talks with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi explored opportunities to further strengthen Ethiopia-India relations, particularly in investment, defence and emerging sectors. With Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, discussions focused on investment, tourism, renewable energy and industrial development. Abiy also held discussions with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on Red Sea security and regional stability, while meeting Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Vietnamese Prime Minister Lê Minh Hưng. The breadth of these engagements illustrates a broader shift in Ethiopia’s foreign economic policy: diplomatic relationships are increasingly being viewed as platforms for investment, trade, technology transfer, industrial cooperation and development partnerships. Investment Diplomacy Takes Centre Stage Investment promotion remained another defining feature of the week. President Taye Atske Selassie led a high-level Ethiopian delegation to Dubai for the 15th Annual Investment Meeting, presenting Ethiopia’s investment opportunities and highlighting ongoing economic reforms. Clean energy and other strategic sectors were presented as areas of substantial potential for foreign investment. The engagement formed part of the government’s effort to increase private-sector participation in Ethiopia’s economic transformation. Ethiopia is also seeking stronger economic ties with Gulf countries. President Taye called for increased Qatari investment, reflecting Addis Ababa’s wider effort to attract capital into infrastructure, energy, manufacturing and other productive sectors. The message is increasingly clear: Ethiopia wants foreign investment not simply as a source of capital, but as a vehicle for expanding production, creating jobs, transferring technology and integrating the country more deeply into regional and global markets. Mojo Logistics Hub Strengthens the Trade Infrastructure   The inauguration of the expanded Mojo logistics centre marked another significant development in Ethiopia’s economic transformation. Located about 70 kilometres southeast of Addis Ababa, the facility covers approximately 60 hectares and is designed to increase freight-handling capacity, improve cargo movement and strengthen regional connectivity. Prime Minister Abiy described the project as an important step toward regional economic integration and the practical implementation of Ethiopia’s ambitions under the African Continental Free Trade Area. The significance of logistics extends beyond a single facility. For a landlocked economy heavily dependent on international trade, efficient logistics can reduce transportation costs, improve export competitiveness and connect Ethiopian producers more effectively with regional and international markets. It also complements Ethiopia’s broader maritime strategy: access to ports is only as useful as the inland systems that can move goods efficiently between production centres and maritime corridors. Growth Continues, but Transformation Must Reach Households Ethiopia entered 2019 with economic transformation remaining at the centre of the government’s agenda. Macroeconomic reform, private-sector development, manufacturing, agricultural commercialization, export growth and infrastructure expansion remain key priorities. The World Bank reported 9.2 percent economic growth for Ethiopia in fiscal year 2024/25, placing the country among Africa’s faster-growing economies. Yet strong headline growth does not automatically translate into broad-based prosperity. Low per-capita income, limited employment opportunities and pressure on household purchasing power remain significant challenges. The central question for the new year, therefore, is not simply whether Ethiopia can sustain growth, but whether growth can generate productive employment, strengthen household incomes and improve living standards. Reconciliation at the Start of a New Year Peace and reconciliation also featured prominently as Ethiopia entered 2019. More than 600 federal prisoners, including prominent figures, were released around the New Year. The move was presented as part of broader efforts to promote reconciliation and create conditions for political dialogue. Prime Minister Abiy urged those released to use the opportunity to begin the New Year in a spirit of peace and contribute to the outcomes of the national consultation process. The releases gave the New Year a powerful reconciliation message. At the same time, Ethiopia’s continuing security challenges demonstrate that reconciliation is not a single event but a longer national process. Turning political openings into sustainable peace remains one of the country’s most important—and difficult—tasks. From Paper to Digital Digital transformation is becoming increasingly central to Ethiopia’s development ambitions. In a message marking Pagume 5, described as “The Day of the Future,” Prime Minister Abiy said Ethiopia was moving “from paper to digital, from passive consumption to active innovation.” The ambition goes beyond expanding internet access. Ethiopia is seeking to develop domestic technological capacity, modernize public services and build an economy capable of producing technology and innovation. Artificial intelligence is emerging as an important part of that strategy. Officials from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development visited the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute as part of regional consultations on an IGAD AI framework and strategy. At the BRICS summit, Abiy linked AI directly to Africa’s development, arguing that technological advancement should contribute to economic transformation and digital sovereignty. For Ethiopia, AI has potential applications across agriculture, healthcare, education, finance, manufacturing and public administration. The challenge now is implementation: building the infrastructure, skills, institutions and locally relevant solutions required to translate ambitious digital policies into measurable economic and social gains. Green Growth and Climate Resilience   Climate resilience was another important theme of the week. An assessment by AlphaGeo ranked Addis Ababa second globally and first in Africa among major cities for climate resilience, using geospatial artificial intelligence to assess climate exposure and adaptation capacity. The assessment comes as Ethiopia continues to position renewable energy, environmental restoration, green infrastructure and climate adaptation as integral components of its development strategy. A Green Growth Investment Forum held during the week called for stronger private-sector participation in green investment, reflecting an effort to connect environmental priorities with economic opportunity. Ethiopia’s preparations to host COP32 in 2027 provide an additional international platform. Addis Ababa is seeking to use the conference to amplify Africa’s voice on climate finance while promoting renewable energy, green investment and climate-resilient development. The broader challenge will be to ensure that climate action supports economic transformation rather than competing with it. Red Sea Access: A Strategic Question Ethiopia Cannot Ignore Perhaps no issue carries a greater strategic regional dimension than Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable and sovereign access to the Red Sea. For Ethiopia, the issue is increasingly connected to economic development, national security, trade and the country’s demographic trajectory. Education Minister and economist Professor Berhanu Nega argued that Ethiopia’s growing population and economic requirements make the question of sea access increasingly difficult to postpone. “You cannot have 130 million people sitting here without access to the sea at a time when sea access is very important for security as well as trade,” Berhanu said. At the same time, he stressed that Ethiopia should pursue its objective peacefully and in a way that benefits neighbouring countries. “It is better if we do this peacefully, and not only peacefully but for mutual benefit, so that all of us can benefit from this,” he said. Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise also expressed support for Ethiopia’s pursuit of sea access, describing it as a matter with wider implications for Red Sea stability. “Empowering and strengthening Ethiopia and creating stability in the Red Sea is the interest of all, not only for Ethiopia,” he said, adding that Ethiopia’s return to the Red Sea would be positive.   He further warned that instability along the maritime corridor could have consequences far beyond the Horn of Africa and the Middle East, affecting international trade and the global economy. Other analysts have placed greater emphasis on negotiation and regional arrangements. Former US Ambassador to Ethiopia and George Washington University adjunct professor David Shinn has suggested that Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations could potentially form part of a broader diplomatic understanding involving Ethiopia, Egypt and Eritrea. These perspectives point to the central challenge facing Ethiopia’s maritime ambitions. For Addis Ababa, dependable sea access is increasingly viewed as an economic and strategic necessity. For its neighbours, however, any new maritime arrangement must be carefully managed to avoid aggravating existing regional rivalries. The issue will therefore require diplomacy as much as strategy. Red Sea Insecurity Raises the Stakes The security situation around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb adds another layer of urgency. Bab el-Mandeb connects the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and serves as a critical maritime gateway between the Indian Ocean and the Suez Canal route. Continued insecurity can disrupt shipping, increase transportation and insurance costs and place additional pressure on already vulnerable global supply chains. For Ethiopia, which depends heavily on maritime trade, prolonged disruption can directly affect the cost and reliability of imports and exports. This makes the maritime question part of a much larger economic equation. Efficient inland logistics, diversified trade corridors and stable regional maritime arrangements are all essential to protecting Ethiopia’s economic interests. The Bigger Picture The first major week of Ethiopia’s 2019 Ethiopian calendar year brought together issues that may initially appear separate but are increasingly interconnected. BRICS diplomacy is about more than foreign policy—it is also about markets, investment, technology and development finance. Investment diplomacy is about more than attracting capital—it is about expanding productive capacity, creating jobs and strengthening Ethiopia’s position in global value chains. The Mojo logistics centre is about more than cargo—it is part of the infrastructure required to make Ethiopia more competitive in regional and international trade. Digital transformation and artificial intelligence are about more than technology—they are increasingly tied to productivity, public services, innovation and economic sovereignty. Green development is about more than environmental protection—it is becoming an important source of investment, energy security and international influence. And the Red Sea question is about more than geography—it sits at the intersection of trade, security, demography, regional diplomacy and Ethiopia’s long-term economic ambitions. The release of more than 600 prisoners, meanwhile, gave the beginning of the new year a powerful message of reconciliation, even as continuing security challenges underline the difficult road ahead. A New Year, A Larger Strategic Test As Ethiopia begins 2019, the country faces the challenge of connecting these different priorities into one coherent national strategy. Economic growth must translate into jobs and better living standards. Investment must strengthen productive sectors rather than simply increase capital inflows. Digitalization must deliver practical gains. Climate action must support development. Reconciliation must contribute to lasting peace. And diplomacy must protect Ethiopia’s economic and strategic interests while avoiding unnecessary regional confrontation. The coming year will therefore be measured not only by the scale of Ethiopia’s ambitions, but by its ability to convert those ambitions into results. Ethiopia is seeking a larger role in the global economy, deeper partnerships with emerging powers, greater technological capacity, stronger regional connectivity and a more secure place within the maritime geography of the Horn of Africa. The strategic test will be to pursue these objectives while balancing national interests with regional cooperation and stability. That balance may ultimately define Ethiopia’s journey through 2019—and shape how the country positions itself in an increasingly competitive and interconnected world.
Israeli and Cameroonian Ambassadors Extend New Year Greetings to Ethiopians
Sep 11, 2026 14083
Addis Ababa, September 11, 2026 (ENA) — Israeli Ambassador Avraham Neguise and Cameroonian Ambassador Churchill Ewumbue-Monono have extended New Year wishes to the Ethiopian people as Ethiopia marks New Year 2019 today. Speaking to ENA, Ambassador Neguise said the celebration comes at a unique time, as both Ethiopia and Israel observe their New Year on the same date this year. He noted that in the Jewish calendar, the occasion is called Rosh Hashanah, while in Ethiopia it is known as Enkutatash. Neguise described Enkutatash as a festival that arrives as spring flowers brighten Ethiopia’s landscapes, adding that in Israel, the New Year is welcomed with the sound of the shofar, symbolizing hope and good wishes for the coming year. He then conveyed greetings to Ethiopians both at home and abroad, saying, “Happy New Year! Enkutatash!” For Israelis, he added, “Shanah Tovah—Happy New Year—u’Metuka!” He explained that “Shanah Tovah u’Metuka” means “May the new year be sweet like honey,” referencing the tradition of eating apples dipped in honey to symbolize sweetness for the year ahead. Concluding his message, Neguise wished the coming year would bring peace, prosperity, resilience, and unity to both Ethiopians and Israelis, emphasizing that with unity and peace, “we can prosper,” and calling the year a blessing for both Ethiopia and Israel. On his part, Cameroon’s Ambassador to Ethiopia, Ewumbue-Monono, conveyed New Year greetings, expressing “Happy New Year” to Ethiopians and wishing them the best of the season, along with hope and renewal. He noted that in the concluding Ethiopian year, Ethiopia achieved major national milestones, including the General Election and the National Dialogue. The ambassador described the New Year as one of renewal and expressed optimism for continued progress. Both ambassadors wished Ethiopians to embrace the New Year with renewed hope as the nation celebrates Enkutatash.
Economy
Egypt Must Align Its Nile Strategies with the Realities of 21st Century
Sep 15, 2026 5208
Abay/Nile Waters at the Intersection of Ethiopia- Egypt Relations   Sept. 15, 2026 (ENA) By Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka (PHD) Background The Nile is one of the world’s great transboundary river systems, shared by eleven riparian countries. Egypt and Sudan are the principal downstream states with virtually no contribution to the flow of the Nile. The Nile’s waters originate in the upstream countries, Ethiopia being the source of the Blue Nile. The Blue Nile, originating in the Ethiopian highlands, contributes 86% share of the Nile’s annual flow. For centuries, the utilization of Nile waters has been a source of tension between upstream and downstream countries. Historical circumstances, colonial legacies and competing interpretations of rights over the river have contributed to a pattern of mistrust that has often prevented the emergence of a genuinely cooperative basin-wide framework. Egypt, in particular, has developed and maintained an entrenched position concerning the allocation and utilization of the Nile waters. Its continued emphasis on what it describes as “historical rights” and on agreements concluded during periods when most upstream countries were not parties to the negotiations has made it difficult to establish a framework based on contemporary principles of international water law, particularly equitable and reasonable utilization and the obligation to cooperate. The 1959 Agreement between Egypt and Sudan is a particularly important example. The agreement allocated the entire estimated Nile flow between the two downstream countries without the participation of the other riparian states, including Ethiopia, the source of the Blue Nile. It is difficult to envisage how such an arrangement could provide a sustainable basis for managing a shared trans boundary resource in the twenty-first century. The fundamental issue, therefore, is not whether Egypt has legitimate interests in the Nile. It unquestionably does. The question is whether those interests can legitimately be pursued at the expense of the equally legitimate interests of the other riparian states. Why Egypt Needs a New Nile Strategy for the 21st Century? Egypt’s heavy dependence on the Nile is a reality that Ethiopia fully understands. But dependence does not confer a monopoly over a shared international watercourse. The challenge is to reconcile Egypt’s legitimate water-security concerns with the development aspirations and rights of the upstream countries. The twenty-first century has transformed the political, economic and technological circumstances of the Nile Basin. Population growth, climate change, food insecurity, energy demands, economic development and changing patterns of regional cooperation have fundamentally altered the context in which Nile waters must be managed. It is therefore neither realistic nor sustainable to approach the Nile exclusively through the prism of historical allocations. The river must increasingly be viewed as a shared resource whose sustainable management requires cooperation, dialogue, scientific evidence and equitable utilization. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) represents perhaps the clearest manifestation of this changing reality. The GERD has demonstrated Ethiopia’s growing capacity to mobilize domestic resources and undertake major infrastructure projects in pursuit of its national development objectives. Whatever one’s position on the dam, it has fundamentally changed the political and strategic context of the Nile question.   Consequently, statements that Ethiopia should not be permitted to construct another dam on the Blue Nile cannot provide a serious basis for future policy. Ethiopia’s development needs cannot be indefinitely subordinated to another country’s perception of its own water security. Nor is it realistic to assume that Ethiopia’s development projects on the Nile can be prevented indefinitely through efforts to restrict international financing. The experience of the GERD demonstrated Ethiopia’s ability to mobilize domestic resources when external financing was unavailable. This is an important lesson for all concerned: the future of the Nile cannot be determined through vetoes, pressure or attempts to prevent development. It must be shaped through cooperation. The same applies to the broader political relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt. Attempts to address differences over the Nile through political pressure, geopolitical rivalry or support for destabilizing forces cannot provide a sustainable solution. Such approaches risk deepening mistrust and making an eventual settlement more difficult. Military confrontation is equally untenable. No military strategy can produce sustainable water security. The Nile will continue to flow across borders long after political crises have passed. The only durable answer is therefore a political and diplomatic framework that recognizes the legitimate interests of all riparian countries. Other major transboundary river systems demonstrate that shared rivers need not inevitably become sources of military confrontation. China, for example, shares numerous transboundary rivers with neighboring countries and has developed a variety of mechanisms for managing shared water interests. The experiences of other river basins demonstrate that differences can be managed through dialogue, cooperation and negotiated arrangements. The Comprehensive Framework Agreement and the Changing Regional Context The effort by the Nile Basin riparian states to establish a basin-wide legal framework has been underway for many years. The negotiation of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) was intended to provide a more inclusive and equitable basis for cooperation among the Nile Basin countries. The CFA’s evolution reflects an important reality: upstream countries increasingly expect their interests and development needs to be recognized within the governance of the Nile Basin. The issue is therefore larger than the GERD or the relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia. It concerns the fundamental question of how an international river basin should be governed in an era of population growth, climate change, energy transition and rapid economic transformation.   A sustainable Nile framework cannot be built around arrangements negotiated without the participation of all concerned states. Nor can the interests of downstream countries simply be ignored. The answer lies in developing an inclusive framework that accommodates the legitimate concerns of downstream states while recognizing the development rights of upstream countries. Ethiopia’s Cooperative Approach Should Not Be Mistaken for Weakness Since the political transition of 1991, Ethiopia has repeatedly expressed its preference for dialogue and cooperation in addressing the Nile question. The 1993 memorandum of understanding reached during the visit of Ethiopia’s Transitional Government leadership to Cairo and the subsequent 2015 Declaration of Principles on the GERD involving Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan were important demonstrations of Ethiopia’s willingness to engage diplomatically and seek mutually beneficial solutions. The Declaration of Principles was particularly significant because it established a set of principles intended to guide the three countries in addressing issues related to the GERD, including cooperation, equitable and reasonable utilization, the obligation not to cause significant harm, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. These initiatives demonstrate that Ethiopia does not seek confrontation with Egypt. Indeed, Ethiopia has repeatedly made clear that it has no intention in harming the Egyptian people. This was amply stated by PM Abiy Ahmed during his offical visit to Cairo. Ethiopians and Egyptians share deep historical, cultural and human bonds. If the two countries estblish cooperation and working together, the benefits will transcend the borders of the two countries. The outcome will have broader regional impact. The Nile should be a bridge connecting the peoples of the two countries rather than a permanent source of antagonism between them. But cooperation is necessarily reciprocal. Ethiopia’s willingness to negotiate should not be interpreted as an acceptance of arrangements that deny its legitimate development interests. Nor should restraint be mistaken for weakness. Ethiopia has legitimate interests in using its natural resources to reduce poverty, expand access to electricity, develop agriculture and transform its economy. At the same time, Ethiopia has an interest in ensuring that its utilization of the Nile is undertaken responsibly and without significant harm to downstream populations. This is precisely why a cooperative framework is possible. The Way Forward: From Confrontation to Cooperation The Nile question has reached a point where old assumptions need to be reconsidered. Egypt’s water-security concerns are legitimate. Ethiopia’s development aspirations are equally legitimate. Sudan also has legitimate interests that must be taken into account. The challenge is to create a framework in which these interests are not viewed as mutually exclusive. The choice before Egypt and Ethiopia should therefore not be framed as a choice between Egyptian water security and Ethiopian development. The real choice is between competition and cooperation; confrontation and dialogue; unilateralism and shared governance. There is considerable room for cooperation. The two countries could strengthen scientific and technical cooperation on hydrology, climate change, drought and flood management, sedimentation, agricultural productivity, electricity trade and water-use efficiency. Ethiopia’s potential for hydropower development and Egypt’s expertise in water management could, for example, become complementary rather than competing assets. A broader economic relationship could also transform the politics of the Nile. Energy trade, investment, infrastructure connectivity, agriculture and regional economic integration could create incentives for both countries to regard the river as an opportunity for mutual benefit rather than a zero-sum contest. The way forward is therefore not through threats, pressure or attempts to prevent Ethiopia from developing its water resources. Nor is it through unilateral actions that disregard the legitimate concerns of downstream countries. The answer is a return to the negotiating table with a different mindset. Egypt needs to recognize that the Nile Basin of the twenty-first century is fundamentally different from the Nile Basin of the nineteenth or twentieth century. Ethiopia, for its part, should continue to demonstrate that its development of the Nile can coexist with the legitimate water-security interests of downstream countries. The central principle should be simple: no country should seek to monopolize a shared river, and no country should be denied its legitimate right to development. The Nile can become either a permanent fault line between Egypt and Ethiopia or an unprecedented opportunity for cooperation between two ancient civilizations. The choice is ultimately political.   What is required now is not another round of confrontation, but a new political understanding—one founded on sovereign equality, equitable and reasonable utilization, mutual respect, scientific cooperation and shared prosperity. The Nile does not belong to one country. It is a shared resource, and its future must be built on shared responsibility. …………………… * The author is former Ethiopian Ambassador to Egypt. The views only represent that of the author alone. Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka is a senior Ethiopian politician and veteran diplomat. He served as Speaker of the House of Peoples' Representatives, Minister of Youth, Sports, and Culture, and Commissioner of the National Rehabilitation Commission. In his diplomatic career, he served as Ambassador to the European Union, China, Kenya, and Ghana.
Tibor Nagy Praises Ethiopian Airlines’ Strategic Model
Sep 15, 2026 2346
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Tibor Nagy has praised Ethiopian Airlines as an institution that has maintained strategic discipline, technical standards and operational professionalism over decades. Speaking about the airline’s rise and its distinctive position on the continent, Nagy said its success was not simply the result of being state-owned, but of functioning with the discipline and independence of a private corporation. He told POA that the airline’s investment in technical capacity and training as key to its reputation. “So Ethiopian Airlines has thought strategically. They have maintained their standards. They have very high technical capabilities. European airlines send their pilots to Addis Ababa to train in their simulators. Their mechanics are among the best in the world. So I always tell people, you know, if I ever have a choice and if Ethiopian Airlines is flying, I will always take Ethiopian Airlines. I don’t care what other airline is flying.”   Nagy said the airline’s professionalism was particularly evident during the COVID-19 pandemic, when international air travel was severely disrupted. He recalled that, while serving as Washington’s top Africa official, the United States relied on Ethiopian Airlines to move American citizens across the continent because the carrier continued operating when many others had stopped flying. “I was Assistant Secretary of State for Africa during COVID, and we depended on renting Ethiopian Airlines aircraft to go around Africa to pick up American citizens, because they were reliable. They were flying when other airlines were not flying.” Nagy also welcomed Ethiopia’s plans for a new airport at Bishoftu, describing the project as both visionary and necessary as Addis Ababa continues to expand its role as a major African aviation and economic hub. He said the capital’s high altitude places operational limitations on some aircraft, making an additional aviation hub strategically important.   “But the Bishoftu airport, again, that is pioneering. It is visionary. And I believe it is absolutely needed. Addis Ababa is a huge crossroads of Africa. You have the African Union there, you have a huge population, you have industrialisation, you have investments. But Addis has limitations because of the high altitude. You can’t take all kinds of aircraft there. There are certain aircraft that cannot land and take off there. So Bishoftu makes sense.” Nagy’s assessment places Ethiopian Airlines within a broader story of institutional resilience and long-term investment, as Ethiopia seeks to reinforce its position as a continental aviation hub. He said the combination of technical expertise, strategic management and infrastructure development could further strengthen that role as the country’s economy and international connections continue to grow.   Ethiopian Airlines Group (Ethiopian) is a true African success story, transforming a visionary dream into a globally renowned reality for nearly eight decades. Operating flights to more than 160 domestic and international passenger, and cargo destinations across five continents, Ethiopian bridges the gaps between Africa and the world.
BRICS Summit Backs Ethiopia’s Global Diplomatic, Economic Agenda
Sep 14, 2026 11975
Addis Ababa, September 14, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed participated in the second and final day of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi on September 13, as leaders of the bloc member countries concluded two days of high-level deliberations with the adoption of the New Delhi Declaration. Held under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability,” the summit brought together heads of state and government from BRICS member and partner countries, alongside leaders of international institutions, to discuss major global and regional issues and strengthen cooperation across the Global South. The summit concluded with the adoption of the BRICS New Delhi Declaration, containing 140 consensus positions that set out the bloc’s collective positions on a wide range of issues.   The New Delhi Declaration underscores the need to reform global governance institutions, strengthen international and regional peace and security, promote sustainable economic growth, and foster greater people-to-people exchanges. According to a social media post by the Office of the Prime Minister, the declaration also reaffirmed strong BRICS support for Ethiopia’s ongoing accession process to the World Trade Organization (WTO), reinforcing the country’s efforts to deepen its integration into the global trading system. The BRICS leaders further expressed strong support for Ethiopia’s candidature as the sole candidate endorsed by the African Union for an additional seat on the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) Council. The bloc also jointly backed Ethiopia’s preparations to host the 32nd United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP32), scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa in 2027, highlighting Ethiopia’s growing role in advancing global climate and development priorities.   Beyond the multilateral outcomes, Prime Minister Abiy held a series of bilateral meetings with leaders of BRICS member and partner countries on the sidelines of the summit. The discussions focused on expanding cooperation in key areas, including trade, investment, defense, technology and digitalization, with an emphasis on strengthening mutually beneficial partnerships. The Prime Minister had earlier attended the opening session of the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit on September 12 and joined other leaders at a gala dinner following the first day’s proceedings, it was learned. At the conclusion of the two-day summit, BRICS leaders approved China as the host of the 19th BRICS Summit, marking the next stage in the bloc’s expanding cooperation.   Prime Minister Abiy has since returned to Addis Ababa following his participation in the summit, where Ethiopia’s diplomatic engagement highlighted its growing role in BRICS and its broader pursuit of economic, technological and strategic partnerships.
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PM Abiy Calls for Stronger BRICS-Africa Partnerships, Coordinated Action Ahead of COP32
Sep 12, 2026 23188
Addis Ababa, September 12, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed called for stronger cooperation among BRICS members and deeper engagement with Africa. Addressing the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi, the Prime Minister emphasized the need to build resilience, expand value creation and accelerate climate and economic transformation. PM Abiy also thanked Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Government of India for their leadership, saying the summit’s theme of resilience, innovation, cooperation and sustainability reflects the interconnected challenges facing the world. “Shocks rarely come alone,” the Premier said, stressing that resilience must be built into national governance and systems before crises emerge. He highlighted Ethiopia’s progress in food security, noting that the country has moved from dependence on imported wheat toward self-sufficiency.   Ethiopia, Prime Minister Abiy said, therefore approaches the proposed BRICS grain exchange not only as a consumer but also as a producer and potential supplier. The Prime Minister also underscored Ethiopia’s efforts to expand pharmaceutical manufacturing, strengthen digital public infrastructure and develop digital identification, payment and data-exchange systems. On artificial intelligence, PM Abiy called for a more inclusive next generation of AI that better understands Africa’s languages, communities and knowledge systems. He said Ethiopia’s Medemer University of Artificial Intelligence reflects the country’s ambition to work with BRICS institutions to develop AI that better serves Africa, while stressing that ethical governance must be matched by research capacity, computing infrastructure, skills and strong institutions. The Premier further highlighted the potential for BRICS cooperation to connect Africa’s natural resources with capital, technology and markets, particularly, he explained untapped potential in critical minerals, renewable energy and advanced manufacturing.   “Africa holds many of these resources,” he said, emphasizing the opportunity to create greater value where resources are found rather than exporting raw materials without sufficient local value addition. He also pointed to Ethiopia’s strategic connectivity, citing Ethiopian Airlines’ global network, electricity exports to neighboring countries and Addis Ababa’s role as the headquarters of the African Union as platforms for wider economic and strategic partnerships. In this regard, Prime Minister Abiy called for stronger consultation between BRICS and the African Union to ensure engagement with the continent is better aligned with Agenda 2063. Turning to global finance, the Prime Minister urged faster, more transparent and predictable mechanisms for debt resolution, drawing on Ethiopia’s ongoing economic reforms and external debt restructuring. PM Abiy also backed efforts within BRICS to facilitate cross-border payments and expand the use of local currencies where this can reduce transaction costs and promote trade. On climate change, Premier Abiy said Ethiopia views climate action and economic transformation as mutually reinforcing priorities. He highlighted the Green Legacy Initiative, renewable energy expansion, electric mobility and investments in resilient agriculture, cities and infrastructure.   Looking ahead to COP32 in Addis Ababa in 2027, PM Abiy said Ethiopia intends to make the conference a “COP of delivery and hope,” with a strong focus on climate adaptation, practical solutions, climate finance and responsible use of emerging technologies. He proposed establishing a BRICS coordinating track on the road to COP32 to translate shared priorities into practical areas of agreement ahead of the Addis Ababa climate summit. Concluding his remarks, Abiy said the future requires countries to manage differences while pursuing common objectives, stressing that BRICS’ strength lies in what its members can achieve together. “Ethiopia comes to its partnership ready to contribute,” he said, inviting BRICS members to Addis Ababa for COP32 in 2027.
Digital Sovereignty Eliminates Technological Dependency to Drive Self-Reliant New Ethiopia: Prime Minister Abiy
Sep 10, 2026 11534
(September 10, 2026, Addis Ababa) —Ethiopia’s strategic leap from paper to digital systems and from passive consumption to active innovation has placed the nation on a monumental trajectory toward a self-reliant digital economy, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed announced today. PM Abiy made the statements in a message shared on his official X page on September 10 or Pagume 5 on Ethiopian Calendar, observed nationally as "The Day of the Future," marking the final day of the bridge period preceding the Ethiopian New Year. Highlighting how technology has been embedded across sectors, he emphasized the cultural evolution taking place nationwide. "From paper to digital, from passive consumption to active innovation!" Abiy said. "By learning from the past and relentlessly building the present, digital transformation is becoming our living daily culture streamlining commerce, enhancing accessibility, and modernizing public services." The Prime Minister pointed to human capital building as a core driver of the nation’s technological advancement and youth empowerment. "As the 5 million Ethio-coders initiative empowers our youth as AI creators toward a 7 million target, our expanding digital service infrastructure guarantees quality and seamless access for all," he stated. Underscoring the achievement of complete strategic independence in technology, Abiy affirmed that national capacity now protects the country's economic future. "Backed by homegrown capacity, our Digital sovereignty eliminates technological dependency proudly signalling a self-reliant, digitally driven new Ethiopia," he said.
Prime Minister Abiy Urges African Leaders, Youth to Embrace Tech Sovereignty
Sep 9, 2026 21563
Addis Ababa, September 9, 2026 (ENA)—Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed called on African countries and the continent’s youth to embrace technological sovereignty and take greater ownership of Africa’s digital future. The Prime Minister made the call in a message marking the 24th African Union Day, reaffirming Ethiopia’s longstanding role in Africa’s continental integration, from the establishment of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU). In a social media post, the Premier said Addis Ababa, the diplomatic capital of Africa and home to the AU headquarters, continues to play a central role in advancing continental integration, unity and shared prosperity. “As we mark this day, we reaffirm the vision of an integrated and prosperous Africa, while looking ahead to the next frontier of our collective progress,” Prime Minister Abiy said. In his capacity as the AU Champion for Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Digital Health, the Prime Minister stressed the importance of greater African ownership of technological and digital development. He urged African governments and young people to actively participate in shaping the continent’s digital transformation and to build the skills, innovative capacity and technological capabilities required to determine Africa’s digital future. Prime Minister Abiy further underscored the importance of technological sovereignty in enabling Africa to harness emerging technologies to accelerate development, promote innovation and strengthen the continent’s position in the global economy. “Ethiopia stands ready to build that future alongside our fellow Africans,” he said.
Ethiopia Builds Globally Competitive AI Capabilities, Says IGAD
Sep 5, 2026 28493
Addis Ababa, September 5, 2026 (ENA)—Ethiopia has developed artificial intelligence capabilities that position it to compete globally in the rapidly evolving field, IGAD Deputy Executive Secretary Mohamed Abdi Ware said. Ware made the remarks during a visit by Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) member-state delegates to the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute on the margins of a regional consultation workshop on the IGAD AI Framework and Strategy. He said artificial intelligence is becoming essential to achieving broad-based economic growth and addressing complex development challenges, noting that Ethiopia’s progress in human capital development, digital infrastructure and practical AI applications demonstrates the country’s growing competitiveness in the sector.   Ethiopia’s use of AI across priority areas including agriculture, healthcare, education and finance, he added, offers valuable experience that could serve as a model for other African countries. Ware said IGAD seeks to build a regional partnership that would enable member states to draw on Ethiopia’s experience and integrate AI into their respective socio-economic development frameworks. Representatives of IGAD member states expressed readiness to learn from Ethiopia’s experience and deepen cooperation in developing and deploying AI solutions tailored to regional needs. Deputy Director General of the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute, Taye Girma briefed the delegation on the institute’s research, development and innovation activities. He said Ethiopia is ready to share its knowledge, expertise and experience with IGAD member states and work with them on joint technological initiatives.   The exchange, Girma said, could open new opportunities to strengthen digital connectivity across East Africa and enable countries to pool their technological capabilities to address shared challenges. During the visit, the delegation explored practical applications of AI and emerging technologies in sectors including agriculture, health, education, justice and smart manufacturing, highlighting the potential of AI to transform public services and accelerate economic development. The initiative comes about four decades after IGAD was established to confront drought, desertification and other regional challenges. As the region faces increasingly complex economic, environmental and social pressures, the organization is turning to emerging technologies as an additional tool for building resilience and driving sustainable development. By leveraging Ethiopia’s growing AI ecosystem and the expertise of institutions such as the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute, IGAD aims to advance practical, locally relevant AI solutions across the region. The growing cooperation reflects a broader shift in the Horn of Africa toward using technology, innovation and regional knowledge-sharing as strategic instruments for development, potentially positioning AI as a new pillar of regional integration and economic transformation.
Sport
WHO RC76 Participants “Walk the Talk” in Addis Ababa, Championing Healthier Africa
Aug 23, 2026 54599
Addis Ababa, August 23, 2026 (ENA) —Participants of the 76th Session of the World Health Organization (WHO) Regional Committee for Africa (RC76) joined a symbolic health walk on Sunday from the Adwa Victory Memorial to Meskel Square in Addis Ababa. The participants also turned the message of “Walk the Talk” into action while promoting physical activity and healthier lifestyles across Africa. Ethiopia’s Minister of Health Dr. Mekdes Daba, African health ministers, senior government officials, WHO leaders and prominent athletes, including Ethiopian Athletics Federation President Commander Sileshi Sihine, took part in the event. The initiative sought to translate health policies and commitments into practical action by encouraging people to make regular physical activity part of their daily lives and strengthening public awareness about the prevention of non-communicable diseases.   The walk began at the Adwa Victory Memorial, a landmark symbolizing Ethiopia’s historic victory and African resistance to colonialism, and continued through Addis Ababa’s pedestrian routes before concluding at Meskel Square. Organizers emphasized that regular physical activity plays a vital role in reducing the risk of non-communicable diseases, including diabetes, hypertension and cardiovascular diseases, while contributing to healthier and more active communities. The event also highlighted Africa’s collective commitment to improving public health and demonstrated the importance of moving beyond policy discussions toward tangible, everyday health practices. The 76th Session of the WHO Regional Committee for Africa, scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa from August 24 to 28, 2026, will bring together more than 600 delegates, including health ministers and senior officials from the WHO African Region’s 47 member states, global health leaders, development partners, donors and WHO representatives.   Over the five-day session, participants will assess progress toward regional health goals, deliberate on new strategies and resolutions. The session is also anticipated to identify collective actions to strengthen health systems, advance universal health coverage, enhance health security and improve emergency preparedness across the continent. The gathering is expected to serve as a major platform for African countries and global health partners to deepen continental health cooperation and advance practical solutions to Africa’s most pressing health challenges.
National Dialogue Conference to Address Root Causes of Differences through Consultation, Says ENDC Chief
Jul 12, 2026 87149
Addis Ababa, July 12, 2026 (ENA) —The upcoming National Dialogue Conference will serve as a platform to resolve the issues underlying Ethiopia's longstanding differences through peaceful consultation, Chief Commissioner of the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission (ENDC) Professor Mesfin Araya, said. Speaking at a five-kilometer public race organized by the Commission at Meskel Square under the theme "Ethiopia is consulting" today, Professor Mesfin said the country has finalized all preparations for the landmark conference, which is scheduled to begin on July 15, 2026 in Addis Ababa. "The main national consultation conference will be a place where issues that are the source of our differences will be resolved through consultation," he said.   According to the Chief Commissioner, delegates representing communities from every region, all woredas, Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, and Ethiopians living abroad have already arrived in the capital to participate in the conference. He said participants are expected to engage in inclusive and constructive discussions and work toward consensus on recommendations that offer lasting solutions to issues that have fueled differences among Ethiopians. Professor Mesfin described the conference as a historic opportunity to address national challenges through dialogue rather than confrontation.   He also expressed appreciation to security institutions, federal and regional government bodies, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders for their contributions in preparing for what he described as a significant stage in Ethiopia's national dialogue process. Participants in a five-kilometer race also expressed optimism that the conference would help strengthen national unity and foster lasting peace. "There is no problem that cannot be solved through consultation," participant Sherefa Ali said. "I believe the challenges that have persisted in Ethiopia for generations can be addressed through the main consultation conference." He added that such dialogue platforms help build trust between citizens and the government while creating opportunities to work together toward common national goals. Another participant, Gemechisa Waqgari, said the conference represents an important step toward reinforcing peace, unity, solidarity, and democratic values. Participant Tnisae Abebe also voiced hope that the conference would generate practical ideas to address the country's social and economic challenges. The National Dialogue Conference will deliberate on eight broad thematic areas identified during nationwide consultations. The agenda includes nation building, systems of government and governance, the political and electoral system, the status of the federal cities of Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa, religion and state relations, institution building, the rule of law and human rights, socio economic issues including the concerns of farmers and pastoralists, corruption and good governance, as well as peace building.   The five kilometer race was attended by Deputy Chairperson of the House of Peoples' Representatives Standing Committee on Democratic Affairs Azmeraw Andemo, Professor Mesfin Araya, senior government officials, representatives of civil society organizations, and members of the public.
Diplomatic Football Participants Praise Ethiopia’s Heritage and Hospitality
Jun 14, 2026 84688
Addis Ababa, June 14, 2026 (ENA) —Participants in a diplomatic football event held in Addis Ababa have praised Ethiopia’s cultural heritage, historical legacy and warm hospitality. The tournament, organized in anticipation of the 2026 World Cup, brought together diplomatic football teams and invited guests who later toured key historical and cultural sites in the city. The delegation visited the Ethiopian National Museum, the Adwa Victory Memorial and Addis Sport Park, gaining what many described as a deeper appreciation of Ethiopia’s past and present development. Several participants said the experience reshaped their understanding of the country. Gordon Johnson, one of the participants, expressed admiration for what he witnessed during the visit. “The people are so welcoming and friendly. I love the culture,” he said.   He further stated that: “We had a tour of the museum, and the guide showed us hominid fossils recovered in the ’60s, ’70s, and ’90s that date back millions of years.” Johnson said the experience reflected Ethiopia’s deeper historical significance beyond modern perceptions. Cameroonian guest Loic Kovamo also said the visit challenged her previous perceptions of the country. “I am speechless because I didn’t picture Ethiopia like this. It’s a very developed country, and the people are so proud of who they are,” she said, noting, “I’m going back with a lot of pride as an African because I discovered the incredible courage and bravery of the Ethiopian people.” Mark Hayes, one of the visitors, said his expectations were changed after arriving in Addis Ababa.   “You have a perception before you come, but it’s the complete opposite. It’s an amazing country,” he said, adding, “What we do now is go home and tell stories about how good Ethiopia is. I feel like a proud advocate.” He further noted that he intends to share his experience in the United Kingdom, saying he would “educate others in England about what he had seen in Addis Ababa.” Joseph Kirule, who works with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations in Addis Ababa, highlighted the importance of the historical sites visited. “Today we saw different milestones in human civilization that originated here,” he said, adding, “Most importantly, we learned about the Adwa victory. That is a massive milestone that raises our prestige as Africans.”
Ethiopian Airlines Rises as Africa’s Leading Carrier After Decades of Expansion, Success, Says CEO
May 17, 2026 91098
Addis Ababa, May 17, 2026 —Ethiopian Airlines has solidified its position as Africa’s largest and leading airline after years of sustained growth and operational success, the airline’s Group Chief Executive Officer, Mesfin Tasew, said on Sunday. The remarks were made during an 8-kilometer street race organized as part of celebrations marking the airline’s 80th anniversary. Speaking at the event, CEO Mesfin reflected on the airline’s humble beginnings in 1946, when it launched operations with only a small fleet of aircraft.   Since then, he said, the carrier has expanded significantly and now operates one of the continent’s most modern fleets, including advanced aircraft from Boeing and Airbus. According to Tasew, the airline currently serves more than 145 international destinations worldwide and has achieved strong growth across multiple sectors, including cargo transportation, aviation training through the Ethiopian Aviation Academy, and other aviation-related services. He further said the airline’s operational strength and long-term strategic investments have helped make it one of the most preferred carriers in Africa and a major player in the global aviation industry.   As part of commemorating its eight decades of operations, Ethiopian Airlines is holding a series of celebratory events, including the street race, panel discussions, exhibitions, and community outreach programs. The anniversary run attracted senior officials, including Sileshi Sihine, President of the Ethiopian Athletics Federation, alongside airline executives and invited guests. The race began at Pushkin Square, commonly known as Sar Bet, and is set to conclude at Bole International Airport.   Athletes, airline employees, members of the sporting community, and participants from various institutions are taking part in the event.
Environment
PM Abiy Calls for Stronger BRICS-Africa Partnerships, Coordinated Action Ahead of COP32
Sep 12, 2026 23188
Addis Ababa, September 12, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed called for stronger cooperation among BRICS members and deeper engagement with Africa. Addressing the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi, the Prime Minister emphasized the need to build resilience, expand value creation and accelerate climate and economic transformation. PM Abiy also thanked Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Government of India for their leadership, saying the summit’s theme of resilience, innovation, cooperation and sustainability reflects the interconnected challenges facing the world. “Shocks rarely come alone,” the Premier said, stressing that resilience must be built into national governance and systems before crises emerge. He highlighted Ethiopia’s progress in food security, noting that the country has moved from dependence on imported wheat toward self-sufficiency.   Ethiopia, Prime Minister Abiy said, therefore approaches the proposed BRICS grain exchange not only as a consumer but also as a producer and potential supplier. The Prime Minister also underscored Ethiopia’s efforts to expand pharmaceutical manufacturing, strengthen digital public infrastructure and develop digital identification, payment and data-exchange systems. On artificial intelligence, PM Abiy called for a more inclusive next generation of AI that better understands Africa’s languages, communities and knowledge systems. He said Ethiopia’s Medemer University of Artificial Intelligence reflects the country’s ambition to work with BRICS institutions to develop AI that better serves Africa, while stressing that ethical governance must be matched by research capacity, computing infrastructure, skills and strong institutions. The Premier further highlighted the potential for BRICS cooperation to connect Africa’s natural resources with capital, technology and markets, particularly, he explained untapped potential in critical minerals, renewable energy and advanced manufacturing.   “Africa holds many of these resources,” he said, emphasizing the opportunity to create greater value where resources are found rather than exporting raw materials without sufficient local value addition. He also pointed to Ethiopia’s strategic connectivity, citing Ethiopian Airlines’ global network, electricity exports to neighboring countries and Addis Ababa’s role as the headquarters of the African Union as platforms for wider economic and strategic partnerships. In this regard, Prime Minister Abiy called for stronger consultation between BRICS and the African Union to ensure engagement with the continent is better aligned with Agenda 2063. Turning to global finance, the Prime Minister urged faster, more transparent and predictable mechanisms for debt resolution, drawing on Ethiopia’s ongoing economic reforms and external debt restructuring. PM Abiy also backed efforts within BRICS to facilitate cross-border payments and expand the use of local currencies where this can reduce transaction costs and promote trade. On climate change, Premier Abiy said Ethiopia views climate action and economic transformation as mutually reinforcing priorities. He highlighted the Green Legacy Initiative, renewable energy expansion, electric mobility and investments in resilient agriculture, cities and infrastructure.   Looking ahead to COP32 in Addis Ababa in 2027, PM Abiy said Ethiopia intends to make the conference a “COP of delivery and hope,” with a strong focus on climate adaptation, practical solutions, climate finance and responsible use of emerging technologies. He proposed establishing a BRICS coordinating track on the road to COP32 to translate shared priorities into practical areas of agreement ahead of the Addis Ababa climate summit. Concluding his remarks, Abiy said the future requires countries to manage differences while pursuing common objectives, stressing that BRICS’ strength lies in what its members can achieve together. “Ethiopia comes to its partnership ready to contribute,” he said, inviting BRICS members to Addis Ababa for COP32 in 2027.
Addis Ababa Emerges as World’s Second Most Climate-Resilient City
Sep 9, 2026 15596
Addis Ababa, September 9, 2026 (ENA)—Addis Ababa has emerged as one of the world’s most climate-resilient major cities, ranking second globally in a new assessment by geospatial artificial intelligence institute AlphaGeo. The ranking places Addis Ababa ahead of dozens of major cities worldwide, highlighting the Ethiopian capital’s relatively low residual exposure to climate risks after accounting for adaptation measures. AlphaGeo’s report, “How Climate Resilient Are the World’s Largest Cities?”, assessed 72 of the world’s largest cities using its Climate Risk & Resilience Index (CRRI). The index examines exposure to major physical climate hazards and evaluates how effectively adaptation measures reduce the risks facing cities.   Addis Ababa recorded a resilience-adjusted risk (RAJ) score of 10, the second-lowest score in the global assessment. Since a lower score indicates lower residual climate risk after adaptation is taken into account, the result places Addis Ababa among the strongest-performing cities in the study. Only Chicago, with an RAJ score of 8, ranked higher. Melbourne and Barcelona followed with scores of 11, while Paris and Buenos Aires recorded 12. Addis Ababa was also among several African cities performing strongly in the assessment. Nairobi recorded an RAJ score of 13, while Johannesburg scored 16. According to AlphaGeo, the strong performance of Addis Ababa, Nairobi and Johannesburg is linked in significant part to their elevation and climate geography, which provide relatively lower baseline exposure to several of the hazards measured by the index. Adaptation capacity also contributes to their overall resilience. The assessment examined six major physical climate hazards, including inland and coastal flooding, heat stress, drought, wildfires and hurricane winds. AlphaGeo compared each city’s physical exposure with its resilience-adjusted risk to determine what it calls an “adaptation delta”—the reduction in risk associated with existing adaptation measures. The findings underline that climate resilience is not determined by geography alone.   Cities with comparable levels of physical exposure can experience markedly different residual risks depending on the strength of their infrastructure, governance, planning and investment in adaptation. For Addis Ababa, the ranking offers a significant international recognition of the capital’s position in an era of intensifying climate pressures.   It also highlights the importance of sustaining investment in urban infrastructure and climate adaptation as African cities expand and face growing environmental and economic risks.   AlphaGeo cautions that its scores represent city-level averages and may not capture significant differences between individual neighborhoods. Climate exposure and resilience can vary considerably within the same urban area. The company says the assessment is intended to help policymakers, investors and infrastructure owners identify where climate adaptation is reducing risk and where additional investment may be required. For Africa, the results reinforce the growing importance of building climate-resilient cities capable of protecting communities, infrastructure and economic activity against an increasingly uncertain climate future, it was learned.
ECA Chief Urges Shift from Victimhood to Active Climate Leadership
Sep 7, 2026 18359
Addis Ababa, September 3, 2026 (ENA)— United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), Claver Gatete, called on African nations to transition from a narrative of victimhood to positioning the continent as an active leader in global climate action. Speaking at the opening of the 14th Conference on Climate Change and Development in Africa (CCDA-XIV) in Addis Ababa, Executive Secretary Gatete stressed that while Africa contributes less than four percent of global greenhouse gas emissions yet bears the heaviest consequences, it must harness its strategic assets to influence global solutions. "While this remains an unfortunate reality for our continent, we must not allow it to limit Africa’s climate story to one of victimhood," Gatete declared. "We are also a continent of enormous renewable energy potential, critical mineral resources, a young population, expanding markets and growing technological capacity. But let’s also ask how we can harness these assets for our own development, and play a greater role in shaping the rules, investments and solutions that drive global climate action." The Executive Secretary noted that the annual theme, "From Pledges to Implementation," highlights a structural challenge where commitments and adaptation plans continue to outpace delivery. Turnaround, he argued, depends heavily on reforming how climate finance reaches the continent. Disclosing that Africa requires an estimated 277 billion US dollars annually through 2030 to implement its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)—with current flows covering merely 11 percent— Gatete raised alarm over financing terms that aggravate debt burdens. "The question is not simply how much finance we mobilize. We must also ask: At what cost? On what terms? And what development outcomes will it deliver?" Gatete cautioned. "For countries already grappling with high debt-service costs and limited fiscal space, the terms of climate finance matter enormously. Finance that adds to unsustainable debt will only make implementation harder." To break this bottleneck, he called for affordable climate finance anchored in grants and concessional funding, coupled with massive private capital mobilization. He emphasized that climate action must expand access to electricity for more than 600 million Africans without power, leveraging the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to process local resources and build cross-border value chains at scale. Outcomes from the three-day gathering will shape the Addis Ababa Climate Action Messages, framing concrete proposals for COP31 in Antalya and paving the way toward COP32 in Addis Ababa in 2027.
AU Environment and Blue Economy Director Commends Ethiopia's Green Legacy Initiative
Sep 3, 2026 25689
Addis Ababa, Sep 3, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopia’s Green Legacy Initiative is contributing to climate change adaptation and mitigation while supporting biodiversity and ecosystem restoration, Africa Union Sustainable Environment and Blue Economy Director Harsen Nyambe said. Nyambe noted that Ethiopia’s initiatives such as the Green Legacy Initiative provide multiple environmental benefits, including ecosystem services such as clean air, while also helping reduce carbon emissions that contribute to rising temperatures. Speaking to ENA, he stated that such initiatives support climate change mitigation by reducing emissions, while simultaneously contributing to adaptation through the restoration of ecosystems and land. “Basically, it’s multipurpose in terms of benefits, and it’s also supporting biodiversity,” the Director said. Additionally, he emphasized the importance of experience-sharing among African countries, noting that member states have significant opportunities to learn from one another. Nyambe cited Ethiopia’s Green Legacy as an example of an initiative from which other countries could draw lessons, particularly those facing similar environmental challenges and seeking to implement comparable projects. According to him, Ethiopia should share its experience and information with other African countries so they can learn from initiatives already being implemented in the country. “Ethiopia should take the floor and share the experience so that other countries can learn from them,” he stressed. The Green Legacy Initiative has been implemented as part of the country’s efforts to restore degraded landscapes and expand tree coverage with its environmental interventions contributing to ecosystem restoration and climate resilience.
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Ethiopian Diaspora Demand Egypt to Change Counterproductive Posture on GERD
Apr 4, 2023 227335
Addis Ababa April 4/2023 (ENA) Ethiopians in the Diaspora have called on Egypt to change its counterproductive posture and find mutually beneficial agreements on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). In a statement the diaspora issued yesterday, they noted that Ethiopia is the main source of the Nile by contributing 86 percent of the water to the Nile basin states while utilizing less than 1 percent of the potential for hydroelectric power. Ethiopians are currently building the GERD on the Blue Nile that is financed entirely by Ethiopians and is a crucial project for the country's development as it will provide clean, renewable energy and lift millions out of poverty. About 65 percent of the 122 million of Ethiopia's population have no access to any form of electricity. The much-needed electricity will facilitate economic growth for Ethiopia and the region, the statement elaborated. The dam will promote regional cooperation and integration while offering opportunity for eleven countries of the Nile Basin to work together to manage the river's resources more efficiently and effectively, it added. The GERD is being built with the highest environmental and technical standards to achieve the objectives of the national electrification program and the execution of Ethiopia’s Climate-Resilient Green Economy Strategy. According to the statement, Ethiopia has provided scientific evidence and expert testimonies that GERD will not significantly affect the flow of water downstream, and provided compelling arguments for the need for equitable use of the Nile's resources by all countries in the region. The diaspora further said they understand that the GERD has raised concerns in Egypt about the downstream effects on the Nile's flow and water availability since Egyptians have been misinformed about the GERD for many years. But on the contrary, the dam will provide several benefits to Egypt and Sudan, including increased water flow during dry seasons and decreased flooding events. “We want to assure Egyptians that Ethiopians are committed to fair and equitable use of the Nile's waters without harming our downstream neighbors. We recognize that the Nile River is a shared resource, and we support finding a mutually beneficial solution.” As Ethiopians in the Diaspora, we reiterate our support for fair and equitable use of the Nile River and call on the Egyptian people and Egyptian Diaspora to question the misinformation about the GERD in Egypt's mainstream media and embrace the spirit of friendship and cooperation by understanding that the GERD is a project of great national importance to Ethiopians that will benefit Egyptians by ensuring a reliable and predictable supply of water, that Ethiopians have the right to use their water resources for the development of its people and economy, in accordance with the principles of equitable and reasonable utilization without causing significant harm. Efforts to destabilize Ethiopia by the regime in Egypt, will indeed affect the historical and diplomatic relations dating back to several thousand years, the long-term interest of the Egyptian people and make Ethiopians less trusting in cooperating on the GERD and future hydropower projects on the Nile, they warned. The diaspora groups urged Egyptian leaders to engage in constructive dialogue with the leaders of Ethiopia regarding the GERD and steer away from their counterproductive posture of calling for a “binding agreement” on the GERD filling and the subsequent operations as an imposing instrument on water sharing that Ethiopians will never accept. The GERD can be a source of cooperation and collaboration between our two countries rather than a source of conflict, they underscored. "Ethiopians believe that, through dialogue and understanding, peaceful and equitable agreements that benefit all parties involved can be realized to build a brighter future for all people in the Nile basin. Belligerent positions by Egyptian leaders stating ‘all options are open’ are contrary to the spirit of the 2015 Declaration of Principles signed by Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt." According to the statement, such postures will surely harm Egypt's long-term interest and impede trustful cooperation with the Ethiopian people and government. They asked Arab League and its member states to refrain from interfering in the issue of the GERD, which is the sole concern of the three riparian countries (Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt) and their shared regional organization (the African Union), which is mediating the talks to find ‘African Solutions to African Problems.’ The issues remaining on the table at the trilateral negotiations under the auspices of the African Union are being narrowed to a handful of critical matters on equity and justice, on which the Arab league nations have no business or legal right to be involved.
Africa’s Sustainable Growth Hinges on Science, Technology and Innovation: Experts
Mar 3, 2023 224288
Addis Ababa March 3/2023/ENA/ Achieving the ambitious targets of the 2030 and 2063 Agendas of Africa requires leveraging the power of science, technology, and innovation (STI), according to experts. A press release issued by the ECA stated experts at the Ninth African Regional Forum on Sustainable Development have emphasized the crucial role of STI as a key driver and enabler for ensuring economic growth, improving well-being, mitigating the effects of climate change, and safeguarding the environment. They also underscored the need to strengthen national and regional STI ecosystems by fostering innovation, promoting entrepreneurship, and investing in research and development. By doing so, the experts said that Africa can harness the potential of STI to accelerate its socio-economic progress and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030 and the African Union's Agenda by 2063. The session, held on 2 March 2023, builds on the recommendations of the Fifth African Science, Technology, and Innovation Forum, which accentuates the central role of STI and digitalization during the COVID-19 pandemic and the need for the necessary infrastructures for the development of STI, plans, and policies that are action-oriented towards strengthening its full implantation. The experts highlighted that despite advances in STI, significant gaps remain in bridging the scientific and technological divide between developed countries and Africa. The highly uneven global distribution of scientific capacity and access to knowledge threatens to derail the goal of leaving no one behind, which is the central and transformative promise of Agenda 2030. “We need a clear political will from governments to ensure science, technology, and innovation is a reality. By doing so our education systems will be capacitated to deliver knowledge that is vital to solving Africa’s sustainability challenges,” Niger Higher Education and Research Minister Mamoudou Djibo said. The strategy includes the establishment of universities as centers for excellence and investments in education, technical competencies, and training in the fields of science, technology, research, and innovation. These initiatives are crucial in accelerating progress towards achieving global goals. However, in order to fully leverage the potential of STI, significant investments in research and development are required. National systems also need to be strengthened, Namibia Information and Communication Technologies Deputy Minister Emma Theophilus, stated adding that “strengthening our national systems for STI is a key game changer for rapid structural transformation in Africa. Leveraging the digital transformation can achieve a stronger, smarter, and more inclusive recovery.” Emerging evidence suggests that an STI and digital Africa can be a springboard to accelerate the implementation of the SDGs and fulfill the aspirations of Agenda 2063.
Feature Article
Why Does Red Sea Security Need Ethiopia?
Sep 15, 2026 781
With analysis from Pulse of Africa (POA) By Mahder Nesibu Sept. 15, 2026 The Red Sea, a narrow waterway connecting the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean, has in recent years come under heavy insecurity. The prevalence of armed groups around the waterway, compounded by threats such as piracy, has undermined its reliability, despite it handling around 13 percent of global shipping. This threat has now come under the spotlight. When war broke out between Iran on one side and Israel and the United States on the other, a similar waterway, the Persian Gulf, and the chokepoint connecting it to the Indian Ocean, came to be weaponised, with Tehran effectively choking a passage that handles 25 percent of the world's oil and gas output. The same weaponisation became visible at Bab-el-Mandeb, the chokepoint of the Red Sea, when Yemen's Houthis, who control the country's north bordering the chokepoint, declared a blockade against Israel in March 2025, partly motivated by their alignment with Iran. The rebels have since extended that blockade to Saudi Arabia, with whom they have been at war for over a decade, a conflict paused by a truce in 2022. Just last week, A blitzkrieg offensive by Houthi forces over the past week has shattered the regional status quo, placing the strategic Bab al-Mandeb Strait firmly under their control. Sweeping down Yemen’s western coast with relentless momentum, the forces have completely overrun Saudi-backed government positions, meeting virtually zero resistance along the way. Saudi is said to have launched counter offensives with sorties targeting Houthis’ positions. The situation remains fluid. Saudi ships, like Israeli ones, have become targets for the Houthis, compounding the insecurity the waterway has been witnessing. On top of that, piracy, primarily emanating from the Somali coast, continues to pose a threat. Although thought to have decreased in frequency, piracy on Bab-el-Mandeb and the Red Sea appears to be resurging. The New York Times reported in late August that the pattern points to a possible resurgence, with 2026 alone seeing 17 piracy-related incidents documented. Although Israeli and Saudi shipping, alongside international cargo, are coming under direct attack, the effects of this insecurity are more structural. According to Reuters, shipping across the Red Sea has declined by as much as 60 percent since 2023, when the Houthi weaponisation of the chokepoint began, and has not effectively recovered since. These figures translate into greater costs for shipping and slower traffic, as ships are diverted through the Cape of Good Hope route along southern Africa, adding extra days at sea and additional fuel costs. For countries served through the Red Sea itself, this has meant greater volatility in their trade. Beyond the added costs of moving ships through the sea, it means living with the risk of disruption, particularly for essentials such as oil and gas. This has been the case for countries in the Horn of Africa and the Persian Gulf, whose supply lines have been subject to disruption. Moves to secure the Red Sea and Bab-el-Mandeb have largely been futile, falling short of a comprehensive and cohesive plan to meet the challenge, as geopolitical competition within the Middle East and the Horn of Africa has undermined such efforts. One country that has been making efforts to secure the Red Sea is Ethiopia. The Horn of Africa state, the largest in the region by both population and economy, has been trying to establish a security presence on the waterway to help address the prevailing insecurity. Ethiopia relies on Djibouti, the country on the African side of Bab-el-Mandeb, for more than 85 percent of its maritime affairs, and its imposed landlocked status has limited its ability to contribute to addressing a security dilemma that carries consequences for its own economy and stability, as well as those of its neighbours. This, alongside historical realities and demographic concerns, has formed the foundation of the country's case for a return to the Red Sea. Access to the sea has been treated as a primary issue of national interest by the majority Ethiopians for long —an issue that received greater prominence particularly since 2018, when the administration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power. Alongside launching a diplomatic push, Ethiopia also revived its navy that same year, effectively declaring its strong interest in reestablishing a security presence on the Red Sea. The Ethiopian Navy was a major actor in Red Sea affairs for decades. Established in 1955, it is older than most naval security institutions in the region, including Saudi Arabia's, which was launched in 1960. It had been a pillar of Red Sea security for decades and was only disbanded in 1996, following Eritrea's secession from Ethiopia in 1991. Now revived, it offers to contribute to maritime security and help address the growing dilemma facing the Middle East and the Horn of Africa. Speaking at the 4th Annual Red Sea and Gulf of Aden Dialogue this April, Commander-in-Chief of the Ethiopian Navy Kindu Gezu stated that Ethiopia's bid was also "for the common benefit of the region", adding that "inclusivity strengthens legitimacy and fosters shared interests in security and connectivity". For the region, and for those affected by insecurity in the Red Sea, it is worth considering what an increased Ethiopian role could contribute. For Djibouti, Yemen and Saudi Arabia, and also to superpowers with footholds on the region, the case for backing Ethiopia's return to the sea is a reasonable one on maritime security grounds. Writing for the Middle Eastern outlet MEMRI, Morocco expert Anna Mahjar-Barducci made the case for Ethiopia's access to the sea on similar security grounds, arguing that the United States, a global power that considers Red Sea security a strategic priority, should back Ethiopia, as the country could play a critical role in securing the waterway. The Middle East and the Horn of Africa face the same strategic considerations. Strategic competition aside, states in the region now have to treat maritime security as a matter of permanent concern. Ultimately, the solution rests on inclusive mechanisms that pool together available resources, including those Ethiopia can offer. Ethiopia’s return to the Red Sea could strengthen regional security.
Egypt Must Align Its Nile Strategies with the Realities of 21st Century
Sep 15, 2026 5208
Abay/Nile Waters at the Intersection of Ethiopia- Egypt Relations   Sept. 15, 2026 (ENA) By Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka (PHD) Background The Nile is one of the world’s great transboundary river systems, shared by eleven riparian countries. Egypt and Sudan are the principal downstream states with virtually no contribution to the flow of the Nile. The Nile’s waters originate in the upstream countries, Ethiopia being the source of the Blue Nile. The Blue Nile, originating in the Ethiopian highlands, contributes 86% share of the Nile’s annual flow. For centuries, the utilization of Nile waters has been a source of tension between upstream and downstream countries. Historical circumstances, colonial legacies and competing interpretations of rights over the river have contributed to a pattern of mistrust that has often prevented the emergence of a genuinely cooperative basin-wide framework. Egypt, in particular, has developed and maintained an entrenched position concerning the allocation and utilization of the Nile waters. Its continued emphasis on what it describes as “historical rights” and on agreements concluded during periods when most upstream countries were not parties to the negotiations has made it difficult to establish a framework based on contemporary principles of international water law, particularly equitable and reasonable utilization and the obligation to cooperate. The 1959 Agreement between Egypt and Sudan is a particularly important example. The agreement allocated the entire estimated Nile flow between the two downstream countries without the participation of the other riparian states, including Ethiopia, the source of the Blue Nile. It is difficult to envisage how such an arrangement could provide a sustainable basis for managing a shared trans boundary resource in the twenty-first century. The fundamental issue, therefore, is not whether Egypt has legitimate interests in the Nile. It unquestionably does. The question is whether those interests can legitimately be pursued at the expense of the equally legitimate interests of the other riparian states. Why Egypt Needs a New Nile Strategy for the 21st Century? Egypt’s heavy dependence on the Nile is a reality that Ethiopia fully understands. But dependence does not confer a monopoly over a shared international watercourse. The challenge is to reconcile Egypt’s legitimate water-security concerns with the development aspirations and rights of the upstream countries. The twenty-first century has transformed the political, economic and technological circumstances of the Nile Basin. Population growth, climate change, food insecurity, energy demands, economic development and changing patterns of regional cooperation have fundamentally altered the context in which Nile waters must be managed. It is therefore neither realistic nor sustainable to approach the Nile exclusively through the prism of historical allocations. The river must increasingly be viewed as a shared resource whose sustainable management requires cooperation, dialogue, scientific evidence and equitable utilization. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) represents perhaps the clearest manifestation of this changing reality. The GERD has demonstrated Ethiopia’s growing capacity to mobilize domestic resources and undertake major infrastructure projects in pursuit of its national development objectives. Whatever one’s position on the dam, it has fundamentally changed the political and strategic context of the Nile question.   Consequently, statements that Ethiopia should not be permitted to construct another dam on the Blue Nile cannot provide a serious basis for future policy. Ethiopia’s development needs cannot be indefinitely subordinated to another country’s perception of its own water security. Nor is it realistic to assume that Ethiopia’s development projects on the Nile can be prevented indefinitely through efforts to restrict international financing. The experience of the GERD demonstrated Ethiopia’s ability to mobilize domestic resources when external financing was unavailable. This is an important lesson for all concerned: the future of the Nile cannot be determined through vetoes, pressure or attempts to prevent development. It must be shaped through cooperation. The same applies to the broader political relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt. Attempts to address differences over the Nile through political pressure, geopolitical rivalry or support for destabilizing forces cannot provide a sustainable solution. Such approaches risk deepening mistrust and making an eventual settlement more difficult. Military confrontation is equally untenable. No military strategy can produce sustainable water security. The Nile will continue to flow across borders long after political crises have passed. The only durable answer is therefore a political and diplomatic framework that recognizes the legitimate interests of all riparian countries. Other major transboundary river systems demonstrate that shared rivers need not inevitably become sources of military confrontation. China, for example, shares numerous transboundary rivers with neighboring countries and has developed a variety of mechanisms for managing shared water interests. The experiences of other river basins demonstrate that differences can be managed through dialogue, cooperation and negotiated arrangements. The Comprehensive Framework Agreement and the Changing Regional Context The effort by the Nile Basin riparian states to establish a basin-wide legal framework has been underway for many years. The negotiation of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) was intended to provide a more inclusive and equitable basis for cooperation among the Nile Basin countries. The CFA’s evolution reflects an important reality: upstream countries increasingly expect their interests and development needs to be recognized within the governance of the Nile Basin. The issue is therefore larger than the GERD or the relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia. It concerns the fundamental question of how an international river basin should be governed in an era of population growth, climate change, energy transition and rapid economic transformation.   A sustainable Nile framework cannot be built around arrangements negotiated without the participation of all concerned states. Nor can the interests of downstream countries simply be ignored. The answer lies in developing an inclusive framework that accommodates the legitimate concerns of downstream states while recognizing the development rights of upstream countries. Ethiopia’s Cooperative Approach Should Not Be Mistaken for Weakness Since the political transition of 1991, Ethiopia has repeatedly expressed its preference for dialogue and cooperation in addressing the Nile question. The 1993 memorandum of understanding reached during the visit of Ethiopia’s Transitional Government leadership to Cairo and the subsequent 2015 Declaration of Principles on the GERD involving Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan were important demonstrations of Ethiopia’s willingness to engage diplomatically and seek mutually beneficial solutions. The Declaration of Principles was particularly significant because it established a set of principles intended to guide the three countries in addressing issues related to the GERD, including cooperation, equitable and reasonable utilization, the obligation not to cause significant harm, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. These initiatives demonstrate that Ethiopia does not seek confrontation with Egypt. Indeed, Ethiopia has repeatedly made clear that it has no intention in harming the Egyptian people. This was amply stated by PM Abiy Ahmed during his offical visit to Cairo. Ethiopians and Egyptians share deep historical, cultural and human bonds. If the two countries estblish cooperation and working together, the benefits will transcend the borders of the two countries. The outcome will have broader regional impact. The Nile should be a bridge connecting the peoples of the two countries rather than a permanent source of antagonism between them. But cooperation is necessarily reciprocal. Ethiopia’s willingness to negotiate should not be interpreted as an acceptance of arrangements that deny its legitimate development interests. Nor should restraint be mistaken for weakness. Ethiopia has legitimate interests in using its natural resources to reduce poverty, expand access to electricity, develop agriculture and transform its economy. At the same time, Ethiopia has an interest in ensuring that its utilization of the Nile is undertaken responsibly and without significant harm to downstream populations. This is precisely why a cooperative framework is possible. The Way Forward: From Confrontation to Cooperation The Nile question has reached a point where old assumptions need to be reconsidered. Egypt’s water-security concerns are legitimate. Ethiopia’s development aspirations are equally legitimate. Sudan also has legitimate interests that must be taken into account. The challenge is to create a framework in which these interests are not viewed as mutually exclusive. The choice before Egypt and Ethiopia should therefore not be framed as a choice between Egyptian water security and Ethiopian development. The real choice is between competition and cooperation; confrontation and dialogue; unilateralism and shared governance. There is considerable room for cooperation. The two countries could strengthen scientific and technical cooperation on hydrology, climate change, drought and flood management, sedimentation, agricultural productivity, electricity trade and water-use efficiency. Ethiopia’s potential for hydropower development and Egypt’s expertise in water management could, for example, become complementary rather than competing assets. A broader economic relationship could also transform the politics of the Nile. Energy trade, investment, infrastructure connectivity, agriculture and regional economic integration could create incentives for both countries to regard the river as an opportunity for mutual benefit rather than a zero-sum contest. The way forward is therefore not through threats, pressure or attempts to prevent Ethiopia from developing its water resources. Nor is it through unilateral actions that disregard the legitimate concerns of downstream countries. The answer is a return to the negotiating table with a different mindset. Egypt needs to recognize that the Nile Basin of the twenty-first century is fundamentally different from the Nile Basin of the nineteenth or twentieth century. Ethiopia, for its part, should continue to demonstrate that its development of the Nile can coexist with the legitimate water-security interests of downstream countries. The central principle should be simple: no country should seek to monopolize a shared river, and no country should be denied its legitimate right to development. The Nile can become either a permanent fault line between Egypt and Ethiopia or an unprecedented opportunity for cooperation between two ancient civilizations. The choice is ultimately political.   What is required now is not another round of confrontation, but a new political understanding—one founded on sovereign equality, equitable and reasonable utilization, mutual respect, scientific cooperation and shared prosperity. The Nile does not belong to one country. It is a shared resource, and its future must be built on shared responsibility. …………………… * The author is former Ethiopian Ambassador to Egypt. The views only represent that of the author alone. Ambassador Teshome Toga Chanaka is a senior Ethiopian politician and veteran diplomat. He served as Speaker of the House of Peoples' Representatives, Minister of Youth, Sports, and Culture, and Commissioner of the National Rehabilitation Commission. In his diplomatic career, he served as Ambassador to the European Union, China, Kenya, and Ghana.
Ethiopian News Agency
2023