By Staff Writer August 9, 2026 (ENA) The Horn of Africa is once again facing the danger of military and political escalation as renewed manoeuvring involving Eritrea, illegal TPLF-led political and military actors, and other regional and external forces threatens to undermine the fragile peace achieved after years of devastating conflict. At the centre of these concerns is Tigray, a region still struggling to recover from the destruction, displacement and human suffering caused by the 2020 to 2022 war. The conflict ended with the signing of the Pretoria Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA), creating an opportunity for the region to pursue reconstruction, reconciliation and political dialogue. That opportunity remains fragile. Reports of renewed military contacts involving Eritrean officials and former TPLF military figures inside Tigray have raised concerns that political disagreements could once again be transformed into military calculations. Against the backdrop of tensions involving Ethiopia, Eritrea, Egypt and armed groups in the region, such developments risk turning Ethiopia’s internal political challenges into a wider regional confrontation. The central concern is not merely which political actors may gain from renewed alliances, but who will bear the consequences if those alliances lead to another conflict. For the people of Tigray, particularly its youth, the answer is painfully familiar. Foreign Military Involvement One of the most troubling issues is the reported engagement of Eritrean military officials with banned TPLF military figures inside Tigray. Reports of meetings involving Eritrean and TPLF faction leaders on Ethiopian territory have raised questions about the purpose, authorization and implications of such contacts. If confirmed, the presence of foreign military officials inside Ethiopian territory without the authorization of the federal government would raise serious questions concerning national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Tigray is an integral regional state of Ethiopia and should not become a platform for external military calculations or geopolitical competition. The timing is also significant. Northern Ethiopia needs reconstruction, economic recovery, reconciliation and political stability. Renewed military engagement risks diverting attention and resources away from these priorities while creating an atmosphere in which mistrust and mobilisation can once again flourish. Ethiopia’s federal government and people have repeatedly expressed a desire to avoid another war, including renewed confrontation with Eritrea. Preserving that restraint requires all actors to avoid steps that could create facts on the ground and gradually transform political tensions into military confrontation. Eritrea's Regime History of Regional Confrontation The current concerns are also being viewed against Eritrea’s broader regional history. Since its independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Asmara has been involved in a series of military disputes and diplomatic tensions with neighbouring countries. The Ethiopia Eritrea border war of 1998 to 2000 remains the clearest illustration of how political and territorial disputes can escalate into devastating conflict. Tens of thousands of people were killed before the Algiers Agreement brought the major hostilities to an end. The 2018 rapprochement between Addis Ababa and Asmara marked a dramatic improvement in relations and raised hopes for a lasting transformation in the relationship between the two countries. Yet unresolved security concerns and competing strategic interests have continued to shape the politics of the region. Eritrea has also experienced serious disputes and security tensions involving Yemen, Djibouti and Sudan. Critics of Asmara have consequently accused the Eritrean government of relying heavily on military pressure, strategic alliances and security calculations to advance its regional interests. Whatever the interpretation of these episodes, the history demonstrates the danger of allowing regional disputes to become militarised. The Horn of Africa has repeatedly paid a heavy price when political disagreements are settled through force rather than sustained diplomacy. Danger of Proxy Politics The wider geopolitical environment makes the current situation even more complicated. Egypt’s strategic rivalry with Ethiopia, particularly over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and competing interests in the Nile Basin and Red Sea, has added another dimension to regional calculations. Any alignment between external actors and domestic political forces around Ethiopia’s internal divisions could deepen instability. The possibility of competing regional interests converging around armed groups or political factions creates the risk of turning domestic disputes into a proxy confrontation. The reported network involving the TPLF, Eritrea, Fano aligned forces and external actors such as Egypt is therefore particularly concerning. The alliance sometimes referred to as “Tsimdo” could, if it develops into a coordinated political or military arrangement, turn Tigray region of Ethiopia and neighbouring areas into an arena for competing strategic interests. Such arrangements may provide short term tactical advantages to individual actors. But alliances formed around a common opponent can be inherently unstable. Once immediate interests change, former partners can become rivals, leaving civilians to bear the consequences of conflicts they did not create. For Eritrea, deeper involvement in Ethiopia’s internal affairs could expose its own population to another costly regional confrontation. For Fano aligned forces, cooperation with former adversaries could transform political grievances into a broader conflict with national and ethnic dimensions. For external actors, using Ethiopia’s internal divisions to advance strategic interests could further destabilise an already fragile region. The People of Tigray Must Not Pay The greatest danger is that young Tigrayans could once again become the human cost of decisions made by political and military elites. At the heart of this threat is Eritrea’s regime, whose long-established reliance on proxy actors and military adventurism has repeatedly undermined peace efforts and fueled instability across the Horn of Africa. The region’s youth have already endured violence, displacement, economic hardship and interrupted education. Thousands of families continue to face the consequences of a conflict that disrupted livelihoods. Reports of renewed recruitment and alleged coercive mobilisation in Tigray region have therefore intensified public concern. Such allegations require serious scrutiny, transparency and accountability. Any effort to rebuild armed structures or mobilise young people for another confrontation would threaten not only immediate security but also the future of an entire generation. Tigray does not need another mobilisation campaign. It needs functioning schools, hospitals, roads, businesses and institutions. Its young people need opportunities to study, work and build families rather than being placed once again in the path of war. The political future of Tigray region must consequently be pursued through dialogue and legitimate political processes. Attempts to regain influence through armed confrontation would risk repeating the very tragedy from which the region is still recovering. A renewed Ethiopia Eritrea confrontation would not remain confined to the border between the two countries. The Horn of Africa is interconnected through security, trade, migration, political alliances and strategic interests. Another war could draw in armed groups, neighbouring states and external powers, producing a crisis whose humanitarian and economic consequence would be difficult to contain. It could disrupt trade routes, increase displacement, deepen food insecurity and divert resources from development and reconstruction. For Ethiopia, renewed conflict would threaten economic progress and divert national attention from domestic development priorities. For Eritrea, another confrontation could impose further human and economic costs on a population that has already experienced prolonged militarisation. For Tigray, the consequences could be catastrophic, given the region’s unfinished recovery from the previous war. The wider lesson is clear: military confrontation rarely remains under the control of those who initiate it. Once violence begins, political calculations can quickly give way to humanitarian catastrophe. All the people of Tigray Should struggle to enhance peace and stability in their region through preserving the Pretoria peace agreement and denying the defunct TPLF leaders who made unholy marriage with internal and external enemies to engage the people in a devastating war. The Pretoria cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) demonstrated that even one of the Horn of Africa’s most destructive conflicts could be brought to an end through negotiation. Its significance extends beyond the cessation of hostilities. It created an opportunity for political dialogue and recovery after years of devastating violence. That opportunity should not be undermined by renewed military preparations. If Eritrean authorities are engaging with political or military actors inside Tigray, transparency is essential. Such engagement should respect Ethiopia’s sovereignty and contribute to peace rather than destabilisation. The TPLF belligerent political and military actors, for their part, must recognise that armed confrontation cannot provide a sustainable solution to political disagreements. The Ethiopian government also has a responsibility to maintain restraint while addressing security concerns through lawful and diplomatic channels. In this regard, the federal government has gone to considerable lengths to demonstrate maximum restraint despite mounting security concerns and repeated provocations. Preventing another war requires more than military preparedness; it requires sustained political engagement, confidence-building, and a genuine willingness by all sides to resolve disputes through dialogue rather than force. The same principle applies to external actors. Regional and international powers should support peace, reconstruction and dialogue rather than encourage political divisions that could produce another cycle of violence. The Horn of Africa has suffered enough from conflicts fueled by mistrust, rivalry and military adventurism. The region now faces a choice between protecting the fragile gains of peace and allowing political calculations to reopen one of its most destructive fault lines. Tigray must not become a battlefield for regional rivalries. Ethiopian territory must not become a stage for unauthorized foreign military manoeuvring. And the youth of Tigray must not once again be sacrificed for the ambitions of competing political and military elites. The responsibility rests with all actors. Eritrea must avoid actions that threaten Ethiopia’s sovereignty or regional stability. Political forces in Tigray region must pursue their objectives through peaceful political means. Ethiopia must continue to use restraint and diplomacy. Regional and external powers must resist the temptation to exploit internal divisions for strategic advantage. The consequences of failure would extend far beyond the immediate political actors. Families would once again lose loved ones, communities would face displacement, development would be disrupted, and another generation would inherit the burdens of war. Conclusion The Horn of Africa stands at a critical moment. The region has an opportunity to consolidate the peace achieved through negotiation or to repeat the destructive patterns of the past. For Tigray, the priority should be recovery, reconciliation and rebuilding. For Ethiopia and Eritrea, it should be preventing another confrontation that could inflict enormous costs on both populations. For regional and external actors, the responsibility should be to support stability rather than deepen existing divisions. The Pretoria agreement showed that dialogue can succeed where war cannot. Its promise must therefore be protected from renewed militarisation and political adventurism. The people of Tigray have already paid too high a price for war. Their future should not be determined by military alliances forged behind closed doors or by geopolitical calculations made far from the communities that would suffer their consequences. The choice before the region is ultimately simple: preserve peace and give a generation the opportunity to rebuild or allow military adventurism to reopen a conflict whose wounds have not yet healed. The Horn of Africa can ill afford to make the wrong choice.

By Yimer Ayele (from POA) August 9, 2026 (ENA) Contrary to popular belief and the UN's designation of Egypt as water-scarce, the nation possesses immense water potentials that remain largely underreported and misunderstood. Egypt’s water security is often portrayed as precarious, primarily due to its heavy reliance on the Nile River and the challenges posed by climate change and population growth. However, a closer examination reveals a wealth of hidden resources and strategic infrastructure that position Egypt as a water rich nation with significant untapped potential. These resources include the vast reservoirs behind the Aswan High Dam, the immense Nubian Sandstone Aquifer System, advancements in desalination technology, and regional cooperation through the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). Recognizing and harnessing these resources is essential not only for Egypt’s future but also for redefining regional water narratives across Africa and beyond. At the core of Egypt’s water resilience is Lake Nasser, stored behind the Aswan High Dam. This massive reservoir holds approximately 169 billion cubic meters of water, acting as a strategic buffer against both seasonal flooding and periods of drought. The dam’s ability to regulate flow has historically safeguarded Egypt’s agriculture, industry, and domestic water needs. Yet, the story does not end there. Beyond Lake Nasser lies the Nubian Sandstone Aquifer System (NSAS), the world’s largest known fossil water underground reservoir. Spanning over two million square kilometers across Egypt, Libya, Sudan, and Chad, the NSAS contains an estimated 150,000 cubic kilometers of water. This underground aquifer is a silent, yet potent, resource that far exceeds the Nile’s discharge over five centuries, representing a strategic reserve that Egypt and neighboring countries can tap into for decades to come. The sheer scale of this resource underscores Egypt’s hidden water wealth and potential for long-term resilience. The aquifer’s existence challenges the narrative of water scarcity and opens avenues for sophisticated, sustainable extraction strategies that can complement surface water sources. In addition to these underground and surface reserves, Egypt has made significant strides in desalination—producing roughly 1.5 to 2 million cubic meters of desalinated water daily. The country has launched a strategic master plan through 2050 that aims to multiply desalination capacity utilizing public-private partnerships, green grants, and coastal expansion projects. The integration of renewable energy, especially solar power, into desalination facilities can be a cornerstone of Egypt’s sustainable water future, aligning with global efforts to reduce carbon footprints and harness green energy sources. Egypt’s water strategy should also encompass regional cooperation, exemplified by Ethiopia’s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). This mega hydropower project, while primarily aimed at electricity generation, exemplifies regional collaboration that benefits downstream countries. The dam helps regulate the Blue Nile’s flow, trapping sediments, and reducing downstream siltation that historically degraded reservoirs like Lake Nasser. It also ensures a more consistent water release, reducing extreme floods and droughts and extending reservoir lifespan through sediment trapping. Ethiopia’s focus on hydropower for electricity rather than mass diversion for irrigation exemplifies a sustainable approach that aligns with Egypt’s needs and regional stability. Egypt’s water story must shift to one of resilience, strategic resource management, and regional cooperation. It must shift to a narrative that highlights the immense hidden potential—vast underground aquifers, advanced desalination capacity, and collaborative water governance—that must be communicated globally. The misconception of Egypt as a water-scarce country overlooks these critical resources and innovations. Recognizing and harnessing Egypt’s true water potential is essential for ensuring sustainable development, regional stability, and a resilient future for all. The world must be told the truth: Egypt is not just a water-scarce country but a water-rich nation with enormous, largely untapped resources that can secure its future for generations to come. However, Egypt is actively pursuing massive desert development projects—such as the New Delta agricultural scheme and the new city of Jirian—by shifting the natural course of the Nile and reallocating billions of cubic meters of Nile water to supply new farming and urban areas. The Egyptian desert where Nile waters have been diverted (such as through the Toshka Project or spillways from Lake Nasser) is the Western Desert. This vast arid region experiences extreme heat, leading to high evaporation rates in artificial lakes and open irrigation canals. Egypt must be more transparent not only in the wasteful practice observable in the ways that the northern Africa country is diverting the natural course of the Nile, but also in declaring truth concerning the immense water buried underground across vast area of land.It is spectacular how Egypt managed to bamboozle the whole world, portraying itself as a water-scarce country. It is not!

ddis Ababa, August 9, 2026 (ENA) —The Ethiopian National Dialogue Conference is laying the foundation for building a generation and a nation grounded in the supremacy of ideas, according to participants. In an exclusive interview with ENA, participants emphasized that the discussions are centered on building broad consensus around eight major national agendas drawn from diverse segments of society, including nations and nationalities from across Ethiopia. The conference, which has been underway at the Addis International Convention Center since July 15, 2026, has brought together 4,000 representatives of Ethiopians from across the country and abroad for an inclusive dialogue on issues of national importance. Dereje Bogale, one of the participants, emphasized that the dialogue provides an opportunity for participants to freely exchange ideas and engage in constructive discussions. He further noted that the deliberations are intended to benefit future generations. The conference aims to identify the root causes of the country's longstanding challenges, propose practical solutions and create a historic foundation for a more peaceful and united Ethiopia, Dereje clarified. He also pointed out that the dialogue will help strengthen unity and enable Ethiopia to move to a higher chapter. Another participant, Gebeyaw Deboye, described the national dialogue as essential to Ethiopia's peace and development, saying the conference offers a significant opportunity to strengthen national unity and help the country advance toward a better future. Similarly, participant Abera Monamo said the conference has created a platform for broad and inclusive participation, emphasizing that national unity remains a top priority. He expressed confidence that the dialogue would make a significant contribution to Ethiopia's development and the consolidation of sustainable peace. The participants further noted that the success of the national dialogue depends on open discussion, mutual understanding and willingness to address the root causes of national challenges through ideas and consensus rather than confrontation.

Addis Ababa, August 8, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said TPLF is pursuing an outdated political ideology and leadership approach that is incompatible with Ethiopia’s current political realities. Recently, the defunct TPLF has openly violated the Pretoria Peace Agreement and has been preparing for a renewed conflict. In a wide-ranging interview with the Oromia Broadcasting Network (OBN), Prime Minister Abiy described the TPLF as a political force attempting to destabilize Ethiopia through obsolete strategies and alliances that, he said, serve external actors with longstanding strategic interests in weakening the country. The Prime Minister said the TPLF remains trapped in the political thinking and methods that shaped its rise to power in the early 1990s, despite having governed Ethiopia for 27 years before leaving office. He reveled that the group continues to portray itself as a liberation movement while pursuing narrow organizational interests rather than the broader interests of the people of Tigray. PM Abiy further explained that the TPLF seeks to use armed groups operating in other parts of Ethiopia as instruments to advance its objectives, rather than engaging them as equal political partners.   He said this reflects a broader strategy aimed at weakening the Ethiopian state and creating conditions for instability. The Prime Minister also notes that the TPLF is acting as a proxy for external interests, arguing that its current political and military posture aligns with efforts to undermine Ethiopia’s sovereignty and strategic position. However, he underlined that the political formula through which the TPLF assumed power decades ago excluded broad sections of Ethiopia’s population. Meanwhile, this has already become outdated and cannot be replicated under today’s political conditions, the Prime Minister said.   Ethiopia’s political awareness, public participation, and democratic engagement have changed fundamentally, he stated, making the strategies of previous decades obsolete. The Premier said Ethiopia has undergone significant political reforms that have expanded democratic space and opened opportunities for peaceful political competition. He noted that following the reform process, many political prisoners were released, although he indicated that some later engaged in violent activities. He also highlighted that political parties representing diverse ideological positions are participating in government institutions and that a National Dialogue process is underway to ensure broader public participation and seek long-term political solutions. The Prime Minister said many armed fighters are returning to civilian life after accepting the government’s peace initiative, and he reaffirmed that the government remains committed to dialogue. "The door to peace remains open," PM Abiy said, reiterating that any group willing to pursue peaceful political engagement and dialogue would be welcomed.

Addis Ababa, August 8, 2026 (ENA) — Eritrea’s long-entrenched leadership has continued hindering regional stability and development, Uppsala University Professor Ashok Swain said. The Peace and Conflict Research professor at the Swedish university noted that the Eritrean leadership is once again playing a disruptive role in the Horn of Africa instead of delivering meaningful national development. In an exclusive interview with ENA, he stated that the regime in Asmara has maintained a belligerent posture in the aftermath of the Pretoria Peace Agreement, which brought an end to the devastating conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. Recent reports indicate that the Eritrean military forces, in total disrespect of international law, have entered Tigray, Ethiopia’s northernmost territory, re-igniting concerns over Asmara’s activities in regional destabilization. The Eritrean regime, recognized as the primary party opposed to the Pretoria Peace Agreement, is actively supporting the "Tsimdo" anti-Ethiopia alliance. Under the guise of this alliance, the regime is openly using a faction of the banned Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) as a proxy to re-ignite war against Ethiopia, militarize Tigray, and plunge the region into a devastating war. Rather than contributing to regional stability, Eritrea has been acting in a manner consistent with violating Ethiopia’s territorial integrity, Professor Swain noted. “What we have seen in recent months, especially after the peace deal in Tigray, is Eritrea not acting the way it should when it comes to respecting Ethiopia’s sovereignty,” he said. Concerns about Eritrea’s conduct are rooted in a long history of conflict between the two neighboring countries. The 1998–2000 Ethio-Eritrean war claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and left lasting scars across the region. Those tensions appeared to ease in 2018 when Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed initiated a historic peace agreement with Eritrea, ending two decades of hostility and raising hopes for a new era of regional cooperation. The agreement earned Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed the Nobel Peace Prize and was widely welcomed across the Horn of Africa. Professor Swain said those expectations have largely collapsed due to the acts of the Eritrean leadership. Addressing Ethiopia’s parliament earlier this year, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed explained his government’s policy of restraint despite growing tensions with Eritrea. “For five years, we appealed and exercised patience,” the premier told the lawmakers. “After we came to office, we tried to move away from past grievances, believing it was unnecessary to dwell on them.” PM Abiy rejected suggestions that current tensions were driven by Ethiopia’s interest in accessing the Red Sea, arguing that relations deteriorated during the Tigray war. He revealed that Eritrean forces entered areas behind Ethiopian positions, committed serious abuses and destroyed civilian properties. Those abuses intensified tensions. “When our the defense forces moved out of Axum, Eritrean forces entered the town and carried out mass killings of young people. And when our forces reached Adigrat town, they saw the pharmaceutical factory looted. These acts escalated tensions”, the PM elaborated. Professor Swain linked Eritrea’s regional behavior to its domestic political system, describing the country as being governed by an authoritarian leadership with a long record of repression and human rights abuses. “We all know that Eritrea has been ruled by a force which is not democratic, with all sorts of human rights violations and authoritarianism,” he noted. Reflecting on Eritrea’s post-independence trajectory, the professor said the country had squandered a historic opportunity. “I was in Eritrea in the early 1990s. Those were hopeful days. Eritrea was expected to develop, but that opportunity has been completely lost. “The development in Eritrea has not really taken place. Instead of contributing to development, infrastructure, and nation-building, Eritrea has increasingly become associated with creating instability in the region.” In contrast, he described Ethiopia as a larger and more economically dynamic state with significant development ambitions and a broader responsibility for regional stability. “Ethiopia is a larger country, a bigger country, and economically much stronger than Eritrea,” he said. “It has a role as a responsible regional power.” However, Professor Swain stressed the need for a diplomatic response rather than military escalation.

Addis Ababa, August 8, 2026 (ENA) — The growing operational and defense capabilities of the Ethiopian Air Force are strengthening Ethiopia's deterrence capacity, making potential adversaries reconsider actions against the country's national interests, Brigadier General Meseret Getachew, Deputy Commander of the Ethiopian Air Force, said. The Deputy Commander noted that the Air Force's operational capability has reached a level that enabled the country to respond more effectively to threats. Independent assessments by major international media outlets and foreign experts have also highlighted the Air Force's growing capabilities, providing an external perspective on the progress achieved. According to Brigadier General Meseret, the changing security environment in the region necessitates a continued strengthening of Ethiopia's defense capacity. "Our national interest does not stop at the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD),” he said, adding that Ethiopia’s national interests extend beyond the dam and encompass broader strategic interests. “We are working day and night to build a capacity that matches our national interests," Brigadier General Meseret noted. He said the country is working continuously to build a defense capacity commensurate with its national interests, particularly amid a turbulent regional environment. As a result, Ethiopia's growing execution and defense capabilities have deterred those seeking to act against its national interests from reconsidering their intentions. He noted that there are overt and covert attempts against Ethiopia's interests, but the increasing capability of the country's defense institutions is curtailing such actions. The Deputy Commander stressed that the Air Force's capabilities have been growing and it remains focused on further strengthening its capacity to safeguard Ethiopia's national interests.

Addis Ababa, August 8, 2026 (ENA) —Egypt’s continued alignment with the Eritrean fragile regime risks exacerbating instability across the Horn of Africa and undermining regional peace, the Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization (RSADO), warned. In an exclusive interview with the Ethiopian News Agency (ENA), RSADO Spokesperson, Nasreddin Ahmed underscored that Cairo is pursuing a strategy that could intensify conflict in one of the world’s most strategically important regions. This Egyptian strategy for Eritrea represents is a “losing gamble” built on an increasingly fragile regime, the spokesperson underscored. Ahmed stated that the so-called alliance, “Tsimdo” is not a conventional political initiative but a mechanism designed to advance a destabilizing regional agenda. According to him, the initiative is intended to weaken neighboring states by exploiting armed groups, political organizations, and internal divisions. “The so-called Tsimdo is not a political project; it is a project aimed at destroying states and sowing discord among the peoples of the region,” he said, claiming it reflects a pattern of regional interference that has persisted for decades. He argued that the initiative poses a particularly serious threat to Ethiopia, warning that efforts to destabilize a country of more than 130 million people. The war-driven agenda pursued through this unholy alliance could trigger consequences far beyond Ethiopia’s borders and seriously undermine the broader security architecture of the Horn of Africa, Nasreddin warned in the strongest terms. He also accused the Eritrean regime of systematically creating, financing, training, and directing armed and opposition groups across neighboring countries over the past three decades. He claimed these activities have increasingly shifted from covert operations to more visible efforts aimed at fueling conflict inside Ethiopia and disrupting its development trajectory. “For more than three decades, the Eritrean government has continued to produce armed groups, support them, and direct them to destabilize their own countries. Today, it is attempting to move conflict into Ethiopia and obstruct its development path,” he said. He further alleged that the strategy has involved cooperation with banned TPLF, with the objective of weakening Ethiopian state institutions and prolonging internal conflict. According to Ahmed, the broader strategy seeks to manufacture crises, inflame political disputes, and undermine state capacity in order to obstruct economic development and regional integration initiatives across the Horn of Africa. Turning to Egypt’s regional role, Ahmed urged Cairo to abandon what he described as a confrontational approach and instead pursue direct negotiations with Ethiopia, particularly on Nile-related issues. “Egypt should move toward negotiations with Ethiopia instead of relying on a fragile Eritrean regime, because regional stability cannot be achieved through conflict, but through dialogue and cooperation,” he said. He warned that continued instability in the Horn of Africa could jeopardize the security of the Red Sea, one of the world’s most critical maritime trade corridors, arguing that any major security breakdown in the region would have significant international repercussions. Ahmed also described Eritrea as a “hub of instability” in the Horn of Africa, accusing its government of supporting armed groups in countries including Somalia and Sudan through training, financing, and operational coordination. He claimed such activities have contributed to the prolongation of conflicts and the weakening of state institutions across the region. He called on Horn of Africa countries to strengthen regional cooperation and collectively resist external interference and destabilization efforts, emphasizing that sustainable peace and development require respect for state sovereignty and constructive regional engagement. “The peoples of the Horn of Africa should not pay the price for the geopolitical projects of others,” he said.

Addis Ababa, August 7, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has emphasized that the historical struggle of the Oromo people was directed against unjust administrative systems, political exclusion, and governance failures — not against Ethiopia as a nation. In a wide-ranging interview with the Oromia Broadcasting Network (OBN), Prime Minister Abiy said the Oromo people’s sacrifices, contributions, and historical experiences are inseparably connected with Ethiopia’s nation-building process. “The Oromo people historically fought against flawed governance systems, not Ethiopia itself,” the Premier said, underlining that Oromo identity and Ethiopian identity are not opposing concepts but deeply interconnected through history. The Prime Minister explained that the long-standing Oromo struggle was driven by three fundamental aspirations: economic justice, preservation of identity, and democratic rights.   He said economic demands were rooted in the desire of the Oromo people to own and benefit from their land and resources, improve their livelihoods through their own efforts, and transform their communities. The PM stated that the repeated loss of land, exploitation of resources, and denial of farmers’ ability to benefit from their own production became among the major causes that fueled resistance. Addressing the issue of identity, PM Abiy noted that Oromo identity goes beyond merely speaking Afaan Oromo. It encompasses cultural heritage, traditional values, moral principles such as Safuu, respect for elders, harmony with nature, and a broader sense of belonging and dignity.   He further explained that the Oromo democratic aspiration is deeply connected to the historic Gadaa system, an indigenous governance tradition based on participation, accountability, and collective decision-making. Whenever state administration contradicted these expectations, he said, demands for change naturally emerged. Reflecting on why the Oromo struggle faced setbacks despite lasting for more than a century, Prime Minister Abiy identified four major challenges: the absence of a clear strategic vision, internal divisions, ineffective political alliances, and a shortage of visionary leadership. Using an analogy, he said that owning a tractor alone cannot guarantee a successful harvest without quality seeds.   Similarly, he explained, a movement requires a clear and effective strategy to transform aspirations into lasting achievements. The Prime Minister also pointed to divisions created by political interests, religious differences, and geographical boundaries as factors that weakened unity among the Oromo people. He added that some alliances formed with other political forces were often based on temporary interests rather than long-term objectives, sometimes preventing the achievement of the people’s broader goals. The Prime Minister emphasized that the Oromo people are an integral part of Ethiopia’s historical, cultural, and political foundation, noting that the country’s identity cannot be separated from the contributions of its largest ethnic community.   “Oromo is Ethiopia; Ethiopia cannot separate from itself,” he said, highlighting the shared history and interconnected destiny between the Oromo people and the Ethiopian state. He stressed that a country built through generations of sacrifice, resilience, and collective struggle cannot be dismantled through political rhetoric or individual grievances. The contributions of the Oromo people to Ethiopia’s defense, development, and survival, he noted, are documented in the country’s history.