By Staff Writer From a renewed five-year political mandate and a reconstituted cabinet to strategic partnerships across Africa and Asia and major development milestones, Ethiopia’s October 4–10 week set the tone for a new chapter of governance, transformation and global engagement. Ethiopia closed a consequential week of political transition, institutional renewal and high-level diplomacy, laying the groundwork for a new five-year chapter under the Medemer Government. The reappointment of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, parliamentary endorsement of a renewed federal cabinet, expanding international partnerships and major economic initiatives collectively underscored the country’s ambitions to accelerate national transformation and strengthen its regional and global standing.   The week’s political momentum began with the opening of the new parliamentary year, setting the direction for the next phase of the Medemer Government. President Taye Atske Selassie’s address emphasized national unity, lasting peace, economic consolidation and institutional resilience as Ethiopia seeks to advance its development agenda and safeguard its sovereignty. A defining milestone was the swearing-in of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed for a new five-year term, establishing the political foundation for the incoming administration. Parliament subsequently endorsed the new federal cabinet, marking a critical step toward translating the government’s mandate into policies, institutional reforms and tangible development outcomes. In its first regular session of the seventh parliamentary term, the House of Peoples’ Representatives endorsed the appointment of 22 federal cabinet ministers nominated by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The selection process considered educational qualifications, professional experience and demonstrated implementation capacity, alongside the importance of gender, ethnic and religious diversity. The appointments are intended to strengthen public service delivery and advance national interests in line with the expectations of citizens who participated in the June 1 General Election, in which more than 54 million people were registered to vote.   Diplomacy, meanwhile, emerged as a defining force in Ethiopia’s engagement with the wider world. Prime Minister Abiy’s talks with Nigerian Vice President Kashim Shettima in Addis Ababa highlighted the potential to deepen cooperation between two of Africa’s major political and economic players. Discussions explored opportunities in trade, investment and continental integration, reinforcing the importance of stronger African partnerships in unlocking shared prosperity and advancing the continent’s development aspirations.   Ethiopia’s engagement with India added another strategic dimension to the week. In his meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar, Prime Minister Abiy explored avenues for expanding bilateral cooperation in trade, higher education, cultural exchange and digital transformation. The discussions reflected the longstanding relationship between the two countries and their shared interest in opening new frontiers of strategic cooperation.   At the same time, Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable and sovereign access to the sea remained prominent in the national conversation. Former Speaker of the House of Peoples’ Representatives Abadula Gemeda reaffirmed the country’s determination to advance its strategic interests, underscoring the importance of maritime access to Ethiopia’s economic future, regional connectivity and geopolitical aspirations. Water diplomacy also featured prominently. Water and Energy Minister Habtamu Itefa highlighted Ethiopia’s efforts to assess the economic costs and lost development opportunities associated with obstacles to Nile-related projects. The initiative brought renewed attention to Ethiopia’s pursuit of equitable water utilization and its determination to advance development projects that serve its population while supporting regional cooperation. Economic transformation gained further momentum with a major step in mineral value addition. The inauguration of a National Precious Metals Refinery at the Bole Lemi Special Economic Zone marked progress toward expanding domestic mineral processing, retaining more value within the national economy and strengthening foreign-exchange earnings. By developing its capacity to refine precious metals domestically, Ethiopia is pursuing a broader industrial ambition: moving beyond raw-material exports toward higher-value production, investment and job creation.   Environmental sustainability offered another important highlight. International forestry specialists and United Nations experts commended Ethiopia’s Green Legacy Initiative for its contribution to ecological restoration and climate resilience. The initiative continues to reinforce Ethiopia’s ambition to align economic development with environmental protection while advancing its wider climate and sustainability commitments. Peacebuilding and humanitarian response remained equally important to the national agenda. The National Rehabilitation Commission called on remaining armed militants in Tigray to surrender their weapons and join the rehabilitation and demobilization process, highlighting the continuing importance of peacebuilding and reintegration. Meanwhile, the federal government continued emergency assistance to communities affected by recent climate-related challenges, reflecting the need to combine long-term development with timely responses to humanitarian needs. Preparations to observe the Seventh National Cybersecurity Month and the 19th National Flag Day further highlighted the importance of digital security, national identity and consensus-building as Ethiopia navigates an increasingly complex domestic and international environment. Taken together, the developments of October 4–10 reveal a government beginning its new term amid high public expectations, significant economic ambitions and a demanding regional geopolitical landscape. Cabinet renewal and institutional reform are central to the domestic agenda, while engagement with Nigeria and India demonstrates Ethiopia’s continuing efforts to diversify partnerships and expand its diplomatic reach.   The broader challenge will be to translate political commitments and diplomatic momentum into measurable improvements in citizens’ lives, stronger institutions, sustainable economic growth and lasting peace. As the Medemer Government begins its five-year journey, Ethiopia’s direction will be shaped not only by its pursuit of sovereignty and international influence, but also by its capacity to deliver inclusive development and turn national ambitions into tangible results.

Addis Ababa, October 11, 2026 (ENA) —Saudi Arabia’s Ambassador to Ethiopia, Abdullah bin Hassan Al-Zahrani, has affirmed that Ethiopian-Saudi relations are continuously advancing across political, economic, investment, and tourism sectors, highlighting that the Kingdom ranked first globally in imports from Ethiopia in 2025. In an exclusive interview with ENA, he explained that the commitment of the countries’ leaderships to developing bilateral relations, coupled with increased reciprocal visits by officials, has helped advance cooperation and opened new horizons for partnership. The Ambassador noted that recent months have witnessed increased momentum in reciprocal visits between Riyadh and Addis Ababa, alongside efforts to conclude economic and investment agreements that would deliver mutual benefits to both countries and their peoples. According to him, the economy, education, health, and tourism are promising areas of cooperation. As part of efforts to boost trade and investment, Ambassador Al-Zahrani underscored the important role played by the two countries’ embassies in promoting commercial partnerships. He also highlighted the establishment of the Saudi-Ethiopian Business Council, which brings together private-sector representatives, businesspeople, and stakeholders interested in investment opportunities in both countries. The council had held several meetings in recent months, expressing hope that another meeting would be convened soon to continue exploring investment opportunities and strengthening cooperation between the Saudi and Ethiopian business communities. Regarding bilateral trade, the Ambassador stated that Saudi Arabia ranked first globally in imports from Ethiopia in 2025, with the value of its imports from Ethiopia reaching approximately two billion Saudi riyals. He explained that Ethiopian coffee accounted for around 80 percent of Ethiopia’s total exports to Saudi Arabia, while Saudi exports to Ethiopia amounted to approximately 184 million Saudi riyals.   Both sides aspire to increase bilateral trade and capitalize on available potential to achieve higher levels of economic cooperation, Ambassador Al-Zahrani said, adding that “we aspire to see figures exceeding nine zeros; and I believe the potential is there.” Speaking about investment opportunities, he described Ethiopia as a destination rich in economic potential and diverse natural resources. “Ethiopia is an undiscovered treasure, and opportunities are ripe for all businesspeople to come and invest in the country,” he said. He pointed to mining, agriculture, and tourism as promising investment sectors, alongside Ethiopia’s water resources, emphasizing that the diversity of these resources offers opportunities to develop new economic and development projects. Ambassador Al-Zahrani added that Saudi Arabia possesses the financial resources and technical expertise needed to help capitalize on these opportunities, thereby advancing shared interests and opening broader avenues for cooperation between the public and private sectors. He affirmed that Ethiopia has the potential to become a major destination for Saudi investment in Africa and the wider region, given its diverse resources and extensive opportunities across productive and service sectors. The Ambassador concluded by stressing the importance of maintaining coordination between the two sides and translating available investment opportunities into tangible projects, contributing to increased bilateral trade, stronger economic partnership, and deeper Saudi-Ethiopian relations in the coming years.

Addis Ababa, October 11, 2026 (ENA) — The resumption of Ethiopian Airlines’ commercial flights between Addis Ababa and Mekelle has brought relief to stranded passengers and renewed hope for families, businesses, and communities seeking a return to normal life in Tigray region. The service resumed on October 11 following a two-week suspension, restoring a vital air link between Mekelle, the regional capital, and the rest of the country. Passengers arriving at Alula Aba Nega International Airport welcomed the resumption as more than a return to air travel, describing it as an important step toward reconnecting communities. They described the resumption as a vital step toward reuniting families, revitalizing business activities, and improving access to essential goods and medical supplies. As ENA reported from the scene, passengers also emphasized that sustaining peace and restoring essential services are critical to ensuring that the renewed connectivity translates into lasting improvements in people's lives. Ashenafi Solomon, one of the passengers on the first flight, expressed relief at finally returning to Mekelle after being stranded in Addis Ababa during the suspension. “I feel very happy. I had traveled to Mekelle for work, but when the flights were unexpectedly canceled, I was deeply disappointed. Now that flights have resumed amid relative peace, I was able to travel on the first flight,” he said. Solomon noted that the interruption had compounded difficulties for residents, particularly by disrupting transportation, trade, and access to essential goods and medicines. He urged the federal government and other stakeholders to consolidate peace and ensure the uninterrupted delivery of medical supplies and humanitarian assistance to communities in need. “The people of Tigray have suffered greatly. Trade and access to medicine have been disrupted, and many people continue to face serious difficulties. We want peace to be strengthened and sustained so that essential supplies and assistance can reach those who need them,” he said. Beyond the immediate relief brought by the restored air link, Solomon underscored the human cost of continued conflict and the urgent need for lasting peace. “We have suffered enough. Families are losing their sons in this fratricidal conflict. We want lasting peace so that the people of Tigray can live in peace and rebuild their lives,” he said, expressing hope for stability across the country. Another passenger, Natnael Solomon, also welcomed the resumption, describing it as an encouraging development for a region whose people need peace and opportunities to rebuild their lives. “The benefits of this flight are clear. The people of Tigray are peace-loving and need peace. We are happy that the service has resumed, and we hope that conditions will continue to improve, normal activities will be restored, and progress will be sustained,” he said. For Natnael, the return of flights also carries a deeply personal significance, allowing people to reunite with loved ones and resume interrupted activities. “We are going to meet our relatives and resume our work. I am very happy, and it is difficult to express how I feel,” he said. He called on both the government and the public to contribute to sustaining peace and building on the progress made toward restoring normal life. Hadera, another passenger who had been stranded in Addis Ababa during the suspension, similarly welcomed the return of Ethiopian Airlines services to Mekelle. “I am very happy that Ethiopian Airlines flights have resumed to Mekelle. I was stuck in Addis Ababa because of the suspension. We all need peace, and we want that peace to be sustained,” he said. The restoration of commercial flights marks a significant step toward reestablishing vital transportation links to Tigray, with implications extending beyond passenger travel to trade, humanitarian operations, access to healthcare, and regional economic activity. However, passengers stressed that the benefits of restored connectivity will depend on sustained peace, reliable essential services, and improved access to supplies for communities affected by disruptions. Flights to Axum and Shire are also expected to resume soon, potentially extending the renewed air connectivity to other parts of Tigray and supporting the movement of people and goods. For passengers returning to Mekelle, the resumption represents both a practical relief and a renewed hope that peace, connectivity, and normal life can be restored and sustained across the region.

Addis Ababa, October 11, 2026 (ENA)— Residents of Adi Gudem town in the Southeastern Zone of Ethiopia’s Tigray region have rallied in support of the federal government, denouncing the TPLF group and calling for peace, stability, and a return to normal life. As ENA reported from the scene, participants voiced their support for peace and stability, highlighting the importance of restoring normalcy across the region.   The rally comes amid ongoing efforts to restore stability in Tigray, where the federal government is providing humanitarian assistance and essential public services are gradually resuming in affected areas. The restoration of these services is expected to improve access to basic necessities, help affected communities resume their daily lives, and revitalize local economic and social activities.   Participants emphasized the need for lasting peace and stability to enable communities across the region to rebuild their lives and return to normalcy.

By Staff Writer   October 11, 2026 (ENA) Since the emergence of its modern state, Egypt has never been a loyal neighbor or a sincere partner in the Nile Basin. Instead, it has consistently acted according to the logic of a colonial power seeking to subjugate Ethiopia and impose an empty form of guardianship over its resources and future. The record of successive Egyptian governments is filled with disappointments and sinister conspiracies aimed at obstructing the development of the Ethiopian people and depriving them of their natural right to development. Yet all these schemes have repeatedly shattered against the solid rock of Ethiopian sovereignty and its proud history. The early ambitions of the Egyptian regime became evident in the 1870s, when Cairo followed Khedive Ismail’s dream of establishing a vast empire at the expense of Ethiopian blood and rights. The Egyptian regime dispatched two massive, heavily armed military campaigns toward the rugged Ethiopian highlands, only to face a devastating Ethiopian response. At the Battle of Gundet in 1875, the Egyptian army suffered its first crushing blow of arrogance at the hands of Ethiopian heroes, resulting in the complete collapse of the invading forces. The Battle of Gura in 1876 was an even greater defeat, as the Egyptian army was virtually annihilated and hundreds of its soldiers were captured under the blows of Ethiopian forces. The remnants of the Khedive’s army fled, leaving behind the enduring disgrace of defeat. These resounding historical blows demonstrated to Egypt that it was far weaker than Ethiopia in direct confrontation, prompting it to retreat into political cowardice and turn submissively toward shadow warfare and proxy wars. Egypt did not content itself with the bitterness of military defeat. It subsequently revealed an overtly colonial face in the aftermath of the Second World War. When Egypt was among those opposing, within the corridors of the United Nations, the return of Eritrea to Ethiopia, the international community rejected its ambitions and issued a decision in 1952 establishing a federation between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Because Egypt never accepted a strong or stable Ethiopia, it quickly moved to undermine and dismantle the federal arrangement from within by adopting policies aimed at fracturing Ethiopia’s social fabric.   With President Gamal Abdel Nasser coming to power in the mid-1950s, Egypt officially became a principal host of the Eritrean rebellion and a major financier of separatist movements. The Eritrean Liberation Front was established and used the Egyptian capital as a principal base for its activities beginning in July 1960, receiving comprehensive financial, logistical, and training support to fracture the territorial unity of northern Ethiopia. Egypt did not stop there. A massive media apparatus, particularly the Voice of the Arabs radio station, was mobilized to broadcast messages of fragmentation, inflame divisions, and attempt to strategically suffocate Ethiopia from its maritime flank. This systematic support continued for decades with the aim of tying Ethiopia’s hands and keeping it preoccupied with exhausting internal conflicts that would obstruct any genuine path to development. The conspiracies did not stop at supporting armed groups. They extended into the corridors of international and financial organizations through questionable means, using Egyptian influence in an attempt to economically subjugate Ethiopia. In this context, the controversial role of prominent Egyptian figures such as Boutros Boutros-Ghali stands out. Boutros-Ghali, a former Egyptian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs who later became Secretary-General of the United Nations, used Egyptian diplomacy to impose a suffocating financial blockade and arbitrarily deny Ethiopia international loans and financing from the World Bank and major financial institutions for infrastructure projects and dams on the Aba (Nile River), in a desperate attempt to entrench unilateral colonial dominance. Recent regional developments reveal growing risks from Egypt’s efforts to form a coordinated front against Ethiopia’s rise. The quadrilateral summit hosted by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi in New Alamein on October 4, 2026, with the participation of Egypt, Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea, has raised concerns that Cairo is seeking to intensify regional pressure on Ethiopia under the guise of security cooperation. The summit’s focus on Nile waters, Red Sea security, and coordination among governments raises serious questions about the strategic objectives of this alignment. These moves come amid Egypt and Eritrea are supporting anati-peace forces seeking to destabilize the country. The convergence of diplomatic pressure, regional military coordination, and allegations of support for armed groups poses risks as Ethiopia pursues its development ambitions and seeks reliable sea access through dialogue. Rather than accepting Ethiopia’s growing economic and strategic influence as a reality requiring constructive engagement, Egypt risks deepening regional divisions and undermining stability in the Horn of Africa. Yet no summit or political alignment can erase Ethiopia’s sovereign interests or derail the aspirations of its people to strengthen the country’s standing and influence across Africa. All in all, decades of carefully orchestrated conspiracies, proxy wars, and attempts at diplomatic and economic isolation have only made Ethiopia more resilient, self-reliant, and strong. Throughout history, the courageous Ethiopian people and their leadership have demonstrated that the will of free people can overcome all forms of hostility and disguised guardianship. Ethiopia’s continued advance today in its major national development projects, driven by the efforts of its own people, represents the greatest rebuke and decisive response that permanently shatters the illusions of Egyptian dominance and affirms that Ethiopian sovereignty is a red line that cannot be violated. Ethiopia’s recent sovereign measures are fully consistent with this historical approach. On October 1 of this year, Ethiopia took a decisive decision to close its embassy in Asmara and declared ten Eritrean diplomats persona non grata, giving them 48 hours to leave the country, following their involvement in activities deemed to pose a direct threat to Ethiopia’s national security and in escalating hostile acts. On the same day, Ethiopia declared Egyptian diplomat Ahmed Moharam Ahmed Suleiman persona non grata and also demanded that he leave the country within 48 hours. These firm sovereign measures are nothing more than the natural outcome and direct response to Egypt’s continued policies of using Eritrea as a proxy to destabilize the Horn of Africa, in a desperate attempt to obstruct Ethiopia’s progress as it continues to flourish and grow into an emerging diplomatic, economic, and military power firmly rooted in the African continent.

Addis Ababa, October 10, 2026 (ENA)—The National Rehabilitation Commission (NRC) has announced designated reception points across Tigray for combatants willing to leave the fighting and enter the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) process. Speaking to the media, National Rehabilitation Commission Deputy Commissioner Brigadier General Derbie Mekuriaw reaffirmed the government’s commitment to implementing the Pretoria Peace Agreement. He said the commission was established by the Council of Ministers to help armed groups return to peaceful civilian life through disarmament, rehabilitation and reintegration. The NRC began implementing the DDR process in Tigray in 2017 E.C., in cooperation with the region’s interim administration. Many young people had shown interest in the process, joined it and had begun rebuilding their lives before it was disrupted. The Deputy Commissioner accused a faction within the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) of undermining the Pretoria Peace Agreement, obstructing the DDR process and recruiting more young people into the conflict. Addressing the situation of young people, Brigadier General Derbie said some were receiving medical treatment or waiting in towns for information about the DDR process. He urged the TPLF leaders, military commanders and combatants to take what he described as a final opportunity to return to peace. He said the government, the Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) and the NRC were ready to receive combatants willing to leave the fighting. Individuals accused of crimes would be subject to accountability procedures, while those entering the DDR process would be assessed through established mechanisms. The Commission has designated reception points in several towns across Tigray. The locations are Maichew and Mehoni in the Southern Zone; Mekelle in the Southeastern Zone; Adigrat and Wukro in the Eastern Zone; Adwa, Axum and Abi Adi in the Central Zone; and Shire in the Northwestern Zone. Combatants who cannot reach a designated reception point can contact the relevant authorities by phone for guidance on entering the process. Brigadier General Derbie said the identities and military status of those reporting for DDR would be verified through established procedures. Military identification cards and other relevant documents could help confirm their records and establish their status in the process. The NRC also called on families, religious leaders and community members to share information about the process with combatants who may not be aware of the opportunity. The Deputy Commissioner said community support was important in encouraging them to leave the fighting and return to civilian life. According to him, the DDR process would help former combatants pursue education, employment and skills training and contribute to reconstruction.

By Yordanos D.   October 10, 2026 (ENA) For generations, Abay (Blue Nile) has been treated primarily as a dispute over water. For Ethiopia, however, the river represents something much larger: a question of development, sovereignty and the right of a nation to transform its natural resources into a better future for its people. Most importantly, the country considers such development on Abay would accelerate regional integration in the region and beyond. In a country confronting persistent food insecurity, expanding energy demand, rapid population growth, industrialization pressures and the effects of climate variability, the ability to store and use water is inseparable from the ability to generate electricity, irrigate farmland, produce food, create jobs and build a productive economy. This broader perspective is essential to understanding Ethiopia’s long and often difficult engagement with the Nile. The dispute did not begin with the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). It is rooted in a much older regional order shaped by colonial-era arrangements, unequal political influence and competing interpretations of rights over the river. Ethiopia was not a party to the 1929 Anglo-Egyptian Nile arrangement or the 1959 Egypt-Sudan agreement, yet the legacy of these agreements has continued to influence political arguments over the use of the Nile. The central question has therefore never been simply how much water Ethiopia should use, but whether historical arrangements can continue to constrain the development choices of an upstream country whose economic and social needs have changed fundamentally. The struggle has also had a financial dimension. Development can be constrained not only by physical obstruction but by the political environment surrounding finance, investment and international institutions. Ethiopia’s experience with major water infrastructure has repeatedly demonstrated the difficulty of converting technical potential into completed development projects when financing becomes entangled with geopolitics. The GERD consequently acquired significance far beyond its engineering dimensions. It became a test of whether Ethiopia could mobilize its own people, institutions and financial resources to undertake a strategic national project when access to conventional external financing was politically complicated. The completion of the GERD has changed that equation, but it has not ended the larger development challenge. Ethiopia still requires additional water infrastructure to address electricity shortages, expand irrigation, strengthen food security, manage floods and droughts, support industrialization and create the conditions for sustained economic growth. The question now is how the country can move from one landmark project to a broader, financially sustainable and environmentally responsible water development strategy while maintaining cooperation with downstream states. At the same time, the Nile question has become increasingly intertwined with the geopolitics of the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia’s growing economic capacity, its expanding electricity exports, its pursuit of regional integration and its efforts to secure reliable and mutually beneficial access to the Red Sea have altered the strategic calculations of neighboring states and external powers. This must therefore be understood within a wider contest over development, economic influence and regional order. This does not make confrontation inevitable. On the contrary, Ethiopia’s strongest long-term position lies in combining development with diplomacy. Equitable and reasonable utilization of shared water resources can provide a foundation for cooperation if all basin countries recognize that the Nile must support both existing needs and legitimate future development. The river need not remain a source of perpetual rivalry. With investment, scientific cooperation, transparent information sharing and mutually beneficial energy and agricultural systems, it can become an engine of regional economic integration. The story of Ethiopia’s Nile policy is consequently not simply the story of a dam. It is the story of a country seeking to overcome historical development constraints, strengthen financial autonomy and transform natural resources into productive capacity. The GERD is one chapter in that story. The larger challenge is whether Ethiopia can build a new generation of water, energy and agricultural infrastructure that turns its rivers into foundations for food security, industrialization, employment and regional prosperity. Financial Dimension The financial dimension of this history is especially important. Development can be constrained without a single dam being physically attacked or a construction site being closed. Diplomatic opposition to external financing can increase political risk, discourage lenders and investors, and make major infrastructure projects more difficult and expensive to develop. Academic and policy literature has documented claims that Egypt used diplomatic influence to discourage international financial institutions from supporting upstream Nile projects. Research during the GERD era has also described lobbying involving institutions such as the African Development Bank, World Bank and European Investment Bank. Such claims should be examined project by project and supported by documentary evidence. Nevertheless, the broader historical pattern is significant. Ethiopia’s efforts to convert its water resources into electricity and irrigation have repeatedly encountered geopolitical resistance. This history helps explain the significance of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. When conventional external financing proved difficult to secure, Ethiopia increasingly turned to domestic mobilization. Citizens purchased bonds and contributed through savings and donations, while the government and state institutions mobilized substantial domestic resources. The GERD consequently became more than an infrastructure project. It became a demonstration of Ethiopia’s capacity to finance a strategic national undertaking despite difficulties in securing conventional international project finance. Reflecting on this domestic achievement, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed emphasized, “For 14 years, millions of ordinary citizens contributed to finance the construction of GERD, ranging from farmers and daily laborers to students and civil servants." Economic Accountability The issue has now entered a new phase. In October 2026, Water and Energy Minister Habtamu Itefa announced that Ethiopia had established a national committee to assess economic losses and foregone development opportunities associated with water projects that Ethiopia says were “blocked or obstructed by Egyptians.” According to the minister, the committee had identified more than 22 projects, including the GERD. "Number one is to identify and to claim the total amount of loss that they have imposed on Ethiopia because of our development. We have prepared as many projects as possible which they have opposed, including the GERD,” he said. The significance of this initiative extends beyond the question of compensation. It represents an attempt to quantify a dimension of the Nile dispute that has often remained political and rhetorical: the development opportunities Ethiopia says it lost because of external opposition. If properly documented on a project-by-project basis, such an assessment could provide a more concrete basis for understanding how diplomatic pressure, financing constraints and geopolitical competition affected Ethiopia’s infrastructure development over several decades. Water Infrastructure, and Food Security Ethiopia has repeatedly stated that completing one dam does not exhaust its development needs. A country of more than 120 million people facing rapid urbanization, industrialization, food insecurity and rising electricity demand cannot reasonably be expected to freeze its water infrastructure at the level that existed before the GERD. The country needs more electricity for households, schools, hospitals, irrigation systems, industrial parks, manufacturing facilities, transport infrastructure and digital services. It also needs reliable water storage to reduce its dependence on increasingly unpredictable rainfall. The nation is widely described as the “Water Tower of East Africa” because of its substantial highland rainfall and extensive river systems. Yet possessing water resources is not equivalent to having usable water infrastructure. The country’s major river basins contain substantial hydropower, irrigation and water supply potential, much of which remains underdeveloped. The development gap is particularly visible in electricity access and agricultural productivity. Millions of Ethiopians have historically depended on traditional biomass for cooking and household energy, while electricity consumption per person remains low by international standards. At the same time, much of the agricultural economy continues to depend on seasonal rainfall, leaving millions of farmers exposed to drought, irregular rainfall and increasingly severe climate shocks. Properly designed multipurpose reservoirs can provide electricity, irrigation, domestic water supply, flood regulation and drought management simultaneously. They can create infrastructure for agricultural commercialization and industrialization while reducing the volatility created by seasonal rainfall. Agriculture remains central to Ethiopia’s economy and employment structure. Yet rain-fed farming leaves millions of farmers exposed to climatic uncertainty. Expanding irrigation can fundamentally change this equation. Multipurpose dams connected to modern irrigation networks can allow farmers to move from dependence on a single rainy season toward more reliable and, where conditions permit, multiple cropping cycles. The objective should therefore not simply be to build more reservoirs. It should be to create integrated water and agricultural systems in which storage, irrigation, roads, electricity, markets, storage facilities and agro-processing develop together. Building Hydrological Buffers Ethiopia’s rainfall is highly seasonal and geographically uneven. Large volumes of annual runoff occur during a relatively short rainy season, while many areas experience extended dry periods. This creates a fundamental water management challenge: substantial quantities of water can arrive within weeks or months, while communities and farms require reliable supplies throughout the year. Storage infrastructure provides one mechanism for managing this imbalance. Well-designed reservoirs can capture part of the excess water during periods of heavy rainfall and release it gradually during dry periods. They can moderate flood peaks, improve irrigation reliability and support electricity generation when natural river flows decline. The value of storage is likely to become increasingly important as climate variability intensifies. Ethiopia cannot control global climate change, but it can strengthen its capacity to manage its consequences through reservoirs, watershed restoration, irrigation, soil conservation, early warning systems and improved hydrological forecasting. Dam construction must therefore be accompanied by serious watershed management. Afforestation, soil conservation, erosion control and sediment management are essential because the long-term performance of reservoirs depends not only on engineering design but also on the condition of the watersheds that feed them. Equitable Utilization Ethiopia’s pursuit of additional water infrastructure does not inherently conflict with cooperation with downstream countries. On the contrary, equitable and reasonable utilization provides a framework through which the development interests of all Nile Basin states can be recognized. Reaffirming this legal baseline, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed stated: "Ethiopia reaffirms its legal right to the equitable and reasonable utilization of the Nile waters... Our development seeks peace, shared growth, and mutual benefit, not harm to downstream neighbors." This is particularly important because the Nile Basin is not composed of countries with identical levels of development, population pressures, water availability or economic needs. A sustainable basin framework must therefore account for changing demographic realities and legitimate development requirements rather than freezing the basin into historical patterns of utilization. Ethiopia’s position can consequently be framed not as a demand for unlimited use, but as a demand for development within a cooperative and rules-based framework. Ethiopia can recognize downstream interests while insisting that its own people also possess legitimate interests in electricity, irrigation, food security and economic development. Geopolitics of Development Pressure Ethiopia’s pursuit of hydropower, agricultural development and Red Sea access has altered regional strategic calculations and generated new concerns among neighboring states. Ethiopia maintains that the project is essential to its development and can operate without causing significant harm to downstream countries. The disagreement has consequently evolved into both a water dispute and a broader geopolitical contest. From Ethiopia’s perspective, the dispute over water resources cannot be examined separately from the wider geopolitical environment surrounding the country. In particular, Ethiopian officials and political actors have increasingly raised concerns about what they regard as a convergence between Egypt and Eritrea aimed at constraining Ethiopia’s regional influence and development. The Egypt-Eritrea convergence narrative rests on the argument that Cairo and Asmara have found common strategic ground in opposing the expansion of Ethiopia’s economic, political and strategic capacity. The significance of the relationship lies partly in Eritrea’s strategic location on the Red Sea and Egypt’s longstanding concern about Ethiopia’s growing influence in the Horn. Egypt and Eritrea have also been supporting forces hostile to the Ethiopian government and of contributing to a regional security environment that places additional pressure on Addis Ababa. These include claims involving diplomatic pressure, political networks and support for actors opposed to the Ethiopian government. A stronger Ethiopia means greater electricity generation, expanded irrigation, increased industrial capacity, stronger foreign exchange earnings and greater ability to pursue independent regional diplomacy. It also means a country with greater leverage in its relations with neighboring states and greater capacity to pursue its long-term ambition for dependable and mutually beneficial access to the Red Sea. The appropriate response is not simply confrontation. The strongest answer to external pressure is accelerated development, institutional resilience, financial self-reliance and sustained diplomatic engagement. Every additional megawatt generated, every hectare brought under irrigation, every industrial investment attracted and every regional electricity connection established can reduce the vulnerabilities that external actors might exploit. Next Generation of Dams The most important lesson from the GERD may ultimately be financial rather than political. Ethiopia demonstrated that large strategic infrastructure can be financed through substantial domestic mobilization when conventional external financing is unavailable or politically complicated. The next stage, however, should be more sophisticated. Domestic resources should remain central, but they can be combined with carefully structured concessional finance, private investment, diaspora capital, institutional investors, green finance and revenues generated through electricity exports. The objective should be to build a diversified infrastructure financing system that reduces exposure to political pressure from any single external actor. Electricity exports are particularly important in this regard. Ethiopia’s expanding generation capacity creates the possibility of converting hydropower into foreign exchange while simultaneously supporting industrialization at home. Electricity exports to neighboring countries can therefore serve two purposes: strengthening regional economic interdependence and improving Ethiopia’s capacity to finance future infrastructure. A stronger domestic financial system would also allow Ethiopia to mobilize its own savings more effectively. Pension funds, insurance institutions, banks, long-term savings schemes and capital markets can become sources of infrastructure finance if appropriate safeguards and investment frameworks are established. The GERD represents a historic milestone, but it should not be viewed as the endpoint of Ethiopia’s water development. The next challenge is to build an integrated national water strategy across the country’s major river basins. Regional Integration Ethiopia’s hydropower potential also offers a powerful opportunity for regional integration. Electricity can cross borders without many of the logistical complications associated with transporting physical commodities. Underlining this vision, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed emphasized: "Regional integration and trade will be crucial to the future of our continent, allowing us to grow beyond primary commodities and accelerate our shared development." Ethiopia can produce renewable electricity, export it to neighboring countries and use the resulting revenues to finance further economic development. Sudan, Djibouti, Kenya and other neighboring countries can benefit from reliable and relatively low-carbon electricity, while Ethiopia benefits from export earnings and stronger regional economic relationships. This creates an important alternative to the traditional zero-sum conception of Nile politics. Instead of asking which country gains and which country loses from every cubic meter of water, the region can increasingly ask how shared water resources can generate more electricity, more food, more trade and greater economic security for everyone. Conclusion Ethiopia’s case for continued development of its water resources rests on a straightforward reality: a country cannot eradicate poverty, expand food production, industrialize and provide modern energy to its population while leaving much of its water infrastructure potential unused. The GERD demonstrated that Ethiopia can overcome major financial and geopolitical obstacles through domestic mobilization and strategic determination. The government’s initiative to document more than 22 projects it says were obstructed by Egypt provides an opportunity to examine the historical dimension of the dispute through evidence rather than rhetoric. The central issue is therefore no longer whether Ethiopia will develop its water resources. It is how it will do so. For Ethiopia, water development is ultimately about much more than dams. It is about turning rainfall and river flows into electricity, irrigation, food, employment, industrial production and economic opportunity. For the wider Nile Basin, the choice is between continuing to treat water development as a zero-sum geopolitical struggle and recognizing water infrastructure as a potential foundation for regional integration. Ethiopia’s legitimate development aspirations cannot be subordinated indefinitely to historical patterns of water utilization. The strongest Ethiopian strategy, therefore, is neither confrontation nor retreat. It is evidence, engineering, financial resilience, responsible resource management and diplomacy. If Ethiopia can combine these elements, its rivers can become not instruments of regional rivalry but foundations for national transformation, food security, energy security and shared prosperity across the Horn of Africa.

Addis Ababa, October 10, 2026 (ENA)—Egypt seeks to prolong the war in Sudan in order to continue benefiting from Sudanese water resources, Senior Researcher at the Center for Strategic Studies and Regional Integration Initiative, Abdulshakur Abdulsamad told ENA. The ongoing war allows Egypt to benefit from larger-than-usual quantities of water that Sudan has been unable to utilize, the senior researcher noted. Abdulshakur explained that Egypt benefits from the ongoing developments in Sudan on several levels, including the economic and water-related aspects, stressing that Egypt’s benefits from the Sudanese crisis “are no secret to anyone.” With Sudan’s war now in its fourth year, he argued that Egypt could be benefiting from even larger volumes of water as Sudan’s capacity to develop and utilize its resources remains constrained. “Is Egypt seeking to prolong this period, this crisis, and this war in Sudan so that it can continue benefiting from it?” he asked, while pointing to statements by Egyptian water experts who have discussed the issue publicly. Abdulshakur cited remarks attributed to Egyptian water experts, including Dr. Mohamed Hafez and former Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation Dr. Nasser Allam, stated that what concerns them is not that the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) would negatively affect Egypt. But rather that Sudan could benefit from the dam by cultivating three agricultural seasons per year. He said Allam had highlighted the possibility that the GERD could enable Sudan to expand agricultural production to three growing seasons annually, potentially increasing its water consumption and reducing the volume available to Egypt. The researcher argued that such concerns reflect Egypt’s longstanding approach to the Nile Basin, which he said treats Sudan and other upstream countries as falling within its sphere of influence, particularly on water-related matters. He further maintained that the 1959 Nile colonial waters agreement and Ethiopia as a major contributor of the flow excluded, concluded in connection with the construction of Egypt’s Aswan High Dam, could constrain Sudan’s ability to independently determine its water policies and exercise full control over its resources. Abdulshakur argued that Sudan’s accession to the Entebbe Agreement aimed at establishing a more equitable and inclusive arrangement for Nile Basin water use, could help expand its policy options and strengthen its sovereign control over its resources. He said Egypt’s opposition to such a move should not be interpreted as giving it the right to dictate Sudan’s decisions. “Egypt is neither qualified nor entitled to exercise guardianship over Sudan,” Abdulshakur said, stressing that the Sudanese people possess the scientific expertise, professional capacity, and resources needed to determine their own economic, agricultural, and development policies.