Op-ed by Brian Lammo August 16, 2026 (ENA) Geopolitical tensions in the Horn of Africa are driven by a complex combination of water politics, competition for regional influence, access to the Red Sea, military alliances and domestic political conflicts. At the center of these tensions is Egypt’s persistent sabotage against Ethiopia’s pursuit of reliable access to the Red Sea and its overall development projects along the Abay River, including the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). However, these two strategic priorities are central to Ethiopia’s economic development, energy security and long-term regional stability as well as economic integration. Yet Egypt has continued to pursue policies that Ethiopia views as jeopardizing its development interests and contributing to regional instability. Regional observers have also portrayed Egypt’s approach as part of a broader strategy aimed not only at challenging Ethiopia’s development projects but also at containing its growing regional influence and limiting its development options. Diplomatic pressure is one among different tactics that Egypt has been doing for years in obstructing developments in Ethiopia. It has internationalized the dispute, mobilize diplomatic support, influence the positions of regional and international partners, and press for binding arrangements to jeopardize the construction and operation of any dam along the Abay River. Against this backdrop, Egypt has strengthened strategic partnerships with countries including Eritrea, seeking to capitalize on Eritrea’s longstanding tensions with Ethiopia, which added another layer to the region’s security dynamics, particularly through military cooperation, strategic alliances and political engagement. This relationship has contributed to potential use of proxy dynamics to influence developments in Ethiopia and the wider Horn of Africa. As a result, the region has become an increasingly contested environment in which diplomatic competition, military posturing, strategic partnerships, proxy relationships and economic interests overlap. These dynamics have complicated efforts to establish a stable and cooperative regional security framework. Egypt, together with countries with which it has strengthened strategic relations, has employed a range of diplomatic, political and security measures that Ethiopia regards as constraints on its development. Egypt’s dispute over developments remains one of the most visible sources of tension in the region. Although Ethiopia constructed the dam on the Abay River with the stated objectives of expanding electricity generation, promoting industrial development and improving access to reliable power, Egypt has persistently sabotaged Ethiopia’s plans for major projects on the Abay (Nile) River and has sought diplomatic mechanisms to influence the construction and operation of the GERD. It has also internationalized the dispute through diplomatic engagement with organizations and international partners, including the United Nations, the Arab League and the European Union, in an effort to strengthen international attention to its concerns over the Abay and the GERD. The central disagreement is not simply about the operation of one dam. It concerns fundamentally different interpretations of development, sovereignty and the use of shared water resources. Ethiopia argues that an upstream country should have the right to develop its water resources for electricity generation and economic transformation while avoiding significant harm to downstream states. Another sabotage by Egypt against Ethiopia is protecting financers not to support Ethiopia. Ethiopia has long argued that political pressure surrounding the Nile dispute can make it more difficult for the country to attract international financing for major water, energy and infrastructure projects. These efforts are viewed in Ethiopia as part of a broader attempt to restrict its development options and prevent the country from fully exploiting its water and energy resources. Egypt has also attempted to further complicate the situation through military rhetoric. Egyptian officials have periodically referred to the possibility of military options in relation to Abay dispute. Although Egypt has no direct border with Ethiopia, it has conducted military exercises and strengthened security cooperation with countries in Ethiopia’s neighborhood. Diplomacy, military exercises and strategic partnerships can reinforce one another, creating a wider environment in which Ethiopia faces pressure from several directions simultaneously. Egypt’s efforts to strengthen its position in the Horn of Africa have increasingly involved partnerships with countries surrounding Ethiopia. These relationships have acquired particular significance as Ethiopia seeks reliable access to the Red Sea and expands its diplomatic and economic engagement across the region. Egypt has strengthened its military and political relations with Somalia, including military assistance and security cooperation. The emergence of a closer Egyptian Somali security relationship is particularly sensitive for Ethiopia because Somalia shares a long border with the country. The presence of an increasingly active Egyptian security partnership in Somalia has raised concerns in Ethiopia over the possibility of additional strategic pressure on its eastern flank. Egypt has also maintained strong relations with Sudanese state institutions and the Sudanese Armed Forces, while the war in Sudan has increased the strategic importance of the country because of its geographic position between Egypt and Ethiopia and its proximity to the Red Sea. These relationships should not automatically be characterized as a coordinated military encirclement of Ethiopia, as each country has its own national interests and security calculations. However, they demonstrate the growing competition for strategic influence around Ethiopia. The broader pattern is nevertheless significant. Egypt’s expanding diplomatic and security network provides Cairo with additional avenues for building coalitions and increasing its leverage in regional discussions involving the Nile, security and Red Sea affairs. As Egypt strengthens its relationships with countries around Ethiopia, the Horn of Africa is consequently becoming a space where local conflicts and wider geopolitical competition increasingly reinforce one another. Eritrea also exerted a sabotage against Ethiopian development. Since its independence from Ethiopia in 1993, relations between the two countries have been characterized by conflict, military confrontation and deep political mistrust. The most significant confrontation was the 1998 to 2000 Eritrea Ethiopia War, which erupted over the disputed border around Badme and other areas. The conflict caused tens of thousands of deaths and displaced large numbers of people. Although the Algiers Agreement brought the war to an end, relations between the two countries remained frozen for nearly two decades in what became known as a "no war, no peace" situation. During this period, Eritrea developed relationships with Ethiopian opposition and armed movements. Asmara was accused of providing sanctuary, training, logistical support and other forms of assistance to groups opposed to the government in Addis Ababa. Among the organizations historically associated with Eritrea were TPLF, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). Eritrea has also played a wider negative regional role. Its relations with Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia have repeatedly generated international concern. Eritrea fought Yemen over the Hanish Islands in 1995 and clashed with Djibouti in 2008. In Somalia, Eritrea was accused by international monitoring mechanisms of supporting armed groups during the country's prolonged conflict between 2006 and 2018. The United Nations Security Council subsequently imposed sanctions on Eritrea in 2009, although the sanctions were lifted in 2018. Eritrea’s regional policy has therefore extended well beyond its bilateral dispute with Ethiopia. Its use of military force, strategic alliances and relationships with armed movements has contributed to the destabilization of the wider Horn of Africa. The strategic competition involving Egypt and Eritrea has increasingly intersected with Ethiopia’s internal political and security challenges. Ethiopian has repeatedly accused neighboring states, particularly Eritrea of cultivating relationships with armed groups and political movements inside the country. Such allegations demonstrate how domestic conflicts can become intertwined with wider regional rivalries and geopolitical competition. Egypt, despite having no direct border with Ethiopia, has been also blamed for supporting or maintaining contacts with armed groups inside the country. Particular attention has been directed toward areas surrounding the GERD, including the Benishangul Gumuz region, as well as armed groups operating in other parts of Ethiopia. These activities have contributed to political divisions, ethnic tensions and armed insurgencies that create opportunities for external actors seeking to weaken the country. External support for domestic actors can also prolong conflicts, complicate political dialogue and make national reconciliation more difficult. Ethiopia has simultaneously sought to diversify its trade and transport connections. The Addis Ababa Djibouti railway remains a major commercial corridor, while the country has explored alternative transport routes through Kenya and other regional partners. Ethiopian Airlines has also developed an extensive international network, strengthening Ethiopia’s connectivity with global markets and contributing significantly to foreign exchange earnings. Agriculture represents another important pillar of Ethiopia’s economic resilience. The expansion of irrigated wheat production has helped reduce dependence on imports and created opportunities for Ethiopia to supply grain to neighboring markets. At the same time, the Green Legacy Initiative has developed into a major environmental and agricultural program, with large scale tree planting aimed at restoring degraded land, improving watershed management and strengthening long term climate resilience. These initiatives demonstrate Ethiopia’s effort to respond to geopolitical pressure through economic transformation and national resilience. Rather than relying exclusively on military or diplomatic countermeasures, Addis Ababa has increasingly emphasized infrastructure, energy, agriculture, trade, environmental protection and regional connectivity as instruments of national strength. Ethiopia’s experience illustrates how economic development can also serve as a strategic response to geopolitical pressure. By expanding its productive capacity, strengthening infrastructure and diversifying economic and diplomatic partnerships, the country seeks to reduce its vulnerability to external pressure while consolidating its position as a major political and economic actor in the Horn of Africa. Instability in the Horn of Africa cannot be attributed solely to external actors. Domestic political grievances, unresolved territorial disputes, institutional weaknesses, economic pressures and competition among local political and armed groups remain important drivers of conflict. External intervention has deepened these vulnerabilities, but sustainable stability ultimately depends on addressing the domestic and regional causes of insecurity. Ethiopia, has increasingly centered on economic resilience, energy development, infrastructure expansion, agricultural transformation, regional connectivity and the diversification of international partnerships. For Ethiopia, expanding electricity generation, strengthening infrastructure, diversifying trade routes and securing access to maritime markets are not merely economic objectives. They are also intended to reduce the country’s vulnerability to external pressure and strengthen its ability to make independent strategic decisions.

Addis Ababa, August 16, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopian Media Authority Director-General Haimanot Zeleke said recent reforms have transformed the media by removing licensing bottlenecks, expanding access and content diversity, coupling greater freedom with stronger professional responsibility and capacity-building. Ethiopia’s media landscape has been significantly reshaped by the reforms, she added. In an interview with the ENA, the Director-General noted that the changes have enabled media institutions to expand in type, number, accessibility and content, creating a more open and competitive environment for information flow between the public and the government. “By reforming previous licensing bottlenecks in the media sector, opportunities have been created for numerous professionals and institutions wishing to enter the field,” Haimanot said, adding that this has directly increased participation and diversified content. According to her, revising preconditions that once constrained the profession has allowed media workers to operate more freely, while stressing that “media freedom must go hand-in-hand with professional responsibility and respect for the law.” The Authority has also paired this liberalization with efforts to raise standards. She highlighted that training delivered through the Ethiopian Media Excellence Center have graduated selected journalists from various outlets to cultivate reporters who work effectively, inform the public, and bring agendas closer to the people. The Director-General said capacity-building and content monitoring are being used not only to grow the sector in quantity and reach but also to enhance professional competence and the quality of information provided to citizens. Addressing digital-era challenges, Haimanot stated that the Authority is working with relevant bodies to curb the spread of false information and hate speech. Looking ahead, she pledged actions to further strengthen the media landscape and support democratic system-building. “Support will be provided to ensure healthy media institutions grow further and operate in line with professional ethics and legal principles,” she said, adding that the Authority will educate, train and bring into the legal framework those outlets and professionals not operating along proper professional lines. The Director-General concluded that ongoing capacity-building aims to ensure media outlets serve as reliable bridges between the public and government, enabling citizens to access accurate information, report issues freely and professionally, and play a constructive role on national matters.

Addis Ababa, August 16, 2026 (ENA) —“Tsimdo”, an alliance of anti-Ethiopia groups, is a coalition of divergent political interests united mainly by opposition to the Ethiopian federal government, the Eritrean Blue Revolution Front (EBRF) Central Committee member, Dawit Teferi, said. In an exclusive Zoom interview with ENA, the Central Committee member noted that the alliance should not be understood primarily as a coalition built around a common territorial objective, but a cooperation between the alliance’s constituent groups despite their differences. “The main players in that group have nothing in common except toppling the central government in Ethiopia,” Dawit said. The alliance's immediate strategy, in his assessment, is to maintain pressure on the federal government and seek political change by bringing different groups together against it. “The goal is to continue to destabilize the government, and hopefully bring government change by creating an alliance that constantly bleeds the government out.” The Central Committee member argued that Tsimdo's strategy also depends on the Ethiopian government responding militarily in a way that could bring its members into a broader confrontation with the federal government. The the group could face greater internal contradictions if they are unable to draw the government into an open conflict, he underscored. According to him, members of the alliance are not necessarily bound by a common long-term political objective but by largely tactical cooperation. “None of them is committed to each other,” Dawit said, adding that the current cooperation is based largely on immediate strategic interests. The Ethiopian government should therefore learn from previous conflicts and avoid allowing opposing groups to determine the terms of engagement. The Central Committee member described Tsimdo as a serious development, but said he believes time and restraint could expose the alliance's internal divisions. “The longer there is no open conflict, the weight of hate between these groups will end up causing them, all of them, to eat each other,” he stressed. For Dawit, the alliance is also linked to the renewed relations between the TPLF and the Eritrean government. The relationship between the two sides is rekindled despite their longstanding rivalry and differences, he noted, adding that the rapprochement should be understood in the context of changing regional political and security calculations. The TPLF's objective extends beyond becoming a regional government in Tigray, he pointed out, saying that its goal is to regain its position as Ethiopia's ruling elite. The Central Committee member said this explains the effort to rebuild an alliance similar to the one formed in 1991 that ousted the military government in Ethiopia. However, Dawit stated that the actors involved do not appear to have taken sufficient account of the changes that have occurred over the past three decades. He observed that “they don't seem to learn from history. They want to repeat history”.

Addis Ababa, August 15, 2026 (ENA) —Ethiopian Airlines executive Aman Wole has been appointed Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Zambia Airways, bringing more than 19 years of international aviation experience to the airline. Zambia Airways is a joint venture owned 55 percent by Zambia's state-backed Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) and 45 percent by Ethiopian Airlines. According to Zambia Airways, Aman took up the position on August 1, 2026, after serving in senior positions at Ethiopian Airlines across Africa, Europe and Asia. His experience covers airline leadership, commercial strategy, sales, market development and strategic partnerships, according to the airline’s statement. As CEO, Aman will focus on improving operations and customer experience, expanding routes, strengthening partnerships and ensuring financial sustainability. He will also promote a high-performance culture based on safety, innovation and professionalism, it was learned. Welcoming the appointment, Zambia Airways Board Chairperson Jomo Matululu expressed confidence in Aman’s international experience and leadership. “This appointment reflects the Board’s commitment to strong leadership and our vision of building a competitive, safe, customer-focused and market-driven airline that connects Zambia to regional and global opportunities,” Matululu said. Aman said he was honored to lead the airline at an important stage of its development. His appointment highlights the aviation connection between Ethiopia and Zambia.

Addis Ababa, August 15, 2026 (ENA) — Second-generation Ethiopian diaspora members have expressed their happiness at arriving in Ethiopia, describing the country as the birthplace of humanity and a place with rich history, culture, and identity. The organizers said the visit to Ethiopia will help the youth better understand their country’s culture, history, and identity. A group of second-generation Ethiopian children, young people and their families has arrived in Addis Ababa. They were welcomed at Bole International Airport by the Ethiopian Diaspora Service under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. One of the young visitors, Matios Zewdu, said this was his second visit to Ethiopia and that he felt proud of his Ethiopian heritage. The other visitor, Kaleb Tesfaye, said he was delighted to be back in Ethiopia, describing the country as beautiful and remarkable place. Eyosias Teferi, another second-generation Ethiopian, said he was particularly happy with the warm welcome he received after returning to Ethiopia following a long absence. Eyosias also said he was proud of his Ethiopian roots and planned to share his experiences in Ethiopia through social media, allowing friends and other members of his community in Canada to learn more about the country. According to Eyosias, Ethiopia offers numerous places to explore, welcoming communities and beautiful green spaces. The country is an ideal destination for holidays and for making new friends, he stressed. From among the parents of the teenagers, Muluwork Shiferaw, said bringing the young people to Ethiopia would help them develop a deeper understanding of their country's culture, history and identity. The former national team player and current sports coach for diaspora children in Canada, Ashenafi Girma, said the second-generation diaspora members will spend about a month in Ethiopia. During their stay, they will be participating in sports competitions and visit different parts of the country. The organizer also said the program is intended to give the young participants a better understanding of Ethiopia and strengthen their connection with their heritage. For her part, former international referee and national team goalkeeper, Tirhas Gebreyohannes, said the visit would provide the second-generation Ethiopian youth with an important opportunity to learn more about their country and culture.