Staff Writer   August 9, 2026 (ENA) Some weeks are measured by the events they produce. Others are remembered for the direction they reveal. For Ethiopia, the past week was marked by a series of developments that reached far beyond individual announcements. From millions of citizens gathering under heavy rains to plant the seeds of an ecological future, to the country crossing the 50-million mark in its national digital identity system, and from renewed efforts to forge political consensus to a broader campaign against economic crimes, the week offered a picture of a country steadily building the foundations of its next chapter. Across environment, technology, governance, security and infrastructure, a common thread emerged: the pursuit of greater national capacity, resilience and self-reliance. Planting Hope, One Seedling at a Time Perhaps nowhere was the scale of that national mobilization more visible than in Ethiopia’s Green Legacy Initiative. In a remarkable 12-hour campaign conducted under the theme “Let Us Plant Hope,” Ethiopia planted more than 805.3 million tree seedlings, setting a new environmental record. The operation covered some 291,400 hectares and brought together an extraordinary 26.2 million citizens across the country. The scale was impressive. But the deeper significance lay in what stood behind the numbers. Millions of Ethiopians turned out despite torrential seasonal rains, transforming what could have been an ordinary environmental campaign into a nationwide demonstration of civic participation and collective responsibility. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed captured the spirit of the day, saying: “Despite the formidable challenge of planting seedlings throughout the day in torrential rains, over 26.2 million Ethiopians stepped forward to plant hope for tomorrow. This extraordinary spirit proves that when we unite around a shared vision, no hurdle is insurmountable.” The achievement also placed the week within the broader trajectory of the Green Legacy Initiative. More than 6.5 billion seedlings have already been planted during the current Ethiopian year, leaving another 1.5 billion to reach the seasonal target of 8 billion seedlings. Yet the initiative is increasingly becoming about more than planting trees. Across regions, government officials and local communities have linked the campaign to soil conservation, watershed rehabilitation, food security and the protection of critical water infrastructure. Cabinet members and regional leaders also used the mobilization to strengthen anti-siltation efforts around dams. What began as a tree-planting campaign is increasingly taking the shape of a national climate-resilience strategy—one that seeks to connect environmental restoration with the country's long-term economic and ecological security. Strengthening Ethiopia’s Digital Frontiers As Ethiopia accelerates its digital transformation, the government is moving to secure the infrastructure underpinning it. This week, the Critical Infrastructure Cybersecurity Proclamation No. 1426/2026 was highlighted as a major step toward protecting strategic digital systems from growing cyber threats. INSA Director General Tigist Hamid said the law establishes a comprehensive framework for monitoring cyber risks and coordinating responses across 12 critical sectors, including finance, telecommunications, health, energy, water, transport and government services. The proclamation requires critical infrastructure operators to strengthen risk assessments, cyber audits and security governance, while establishing a dedicated cybersecurity fund to support resilience, innovation and skills development. As digital identity, electronic payments and online public services expand, the new framework seeks to ensure that Ethiopia’s digital transformation is matched by stronger protection of its national data, critical systems and digital sovereignty. The Search for Consensus Beyond technology and environmental restoration, Ethiopia's most consequential project remains political: finding a durable framework for national consensus. That effort moved another step forward this week as consultations under the National Dialogue framework brought more than 4,000 delegates representing different sections of society to the Addis International Convention Center. The significance of the gathering lies not merely in the number of participants, but in the difficult questions being placed on the table. Ethiopia's political history has been shaped by competing interpretations of power, identity, representation and economic opportunity. The National Dialogue seeks to move those disagreements from confrontation toward structured discussion—and ultimately toward a political culture capable of managing differences without repeatedly turning them into crises. In an extended broadcast interview, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed reflected on the historical roots of popular struggles and the failures that helped produce them. He argued that understanding the past is essential not for perpetuating old divisions, but for addressing the structural problems that produced them. “The historic popular struggles of our past were fundamentally directed at rectifying system-level governance failures and economic marginalization—not at dismantling national unity. True state-building requires us to acknowledge these historical realities while constructively channeling our efforts into building a shared, equitable democratic future.” That distinction is central to the country's search for consensus: recognizing grievances without allowing them to become permanent political fault lines. The challenge now is to translate dialogue into institutions, agreements and a political culture capable of sustaining the country's unity while accommodating its diversity. Protecting the Economic Front Ethiopia’s economic transformation is also facing a battle against the networks seeking to exploit weaknesses in the system. This week, the government launched decisive measures against individuals, businesses and officials accused of corruption and illegal economic activities undermining the ongoing macroeconomic reform. Government Communication Service Minister Enatalem Melese said such networks had contributed to foreign-currency shortages, inflationary pressures, contraband trade and artificial shortages of essential goods. The crackdown has already seen more than 7,000 businesses and warehouses sealed, while 169 people accused of illegal money transfers, hawala activities and black-market currency transactions were brought before the law. Authorities also targeted illicit gold trading, fuel and fertilizer-related corruption, tax fraud, illegal financial flows and unauthorized electricity sales, with hundreds of suspects facing investigation or legal action. The breadth of the operation underscores a central message of the reform agenda: economic transformation requires not only new policies and investment, but also institutions capable of protecting the system from corruption, illicit markets and the misuse of national resources. Energy, Water and the Regional Horizon Ethiopia's infrastructure ambitions continued to intersect with its wider regional role, particularly in energy and water. Following the latest milestones associated with the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, water-resource engineers and energy analysts emphasized the importance of sustaining momentum through further hydropower development along the Abay River basin. The argument extends beyond domestic electricity generation. Additional generation capacity, combined with stronger transmission infrastructure, could reinforce Ethiopia's position as a major electricity supplier to neighboring countries and contribute to the gradual integration of East Africa's power markets. The strategic equation is increasingly clear: Ethiopia's water and energy resources are not only national development assets; they can also become instruments of regional economic integration. At the same time, progress in localized clean-water systems and disease-surveillance networks added another dimension to the country's resilience agenda. From public health to environmental protection, the common objective is increasingly one of preparedness—building systems capable of absorbing shocks before they become national crises. A Week That Revealed a Direction Taken separately, the week's developments might appear to belong to entirely different worlds. Tree planting belongs to the environment. Digital identity belongs to technology. National Dialogue belongs to politics. Economic enforcement belongs to security. Hydropower belongs to infrastructure. But viewed together, they tell a more coherent story. They point toward a country seeking to strengthen the foundations of its sovereignty—from the restoration of its land and protection of its water resources to the security of its digital systems, the integrity of its economy and the institutions through which political differences are managed. The most important achievement of such a week, therefore, may not be any single record, platform or consultation. It is the emerging recognition that national transformation requires capacity on every front at once. A greener landscape. A more connected citizenry. Stronger institutions. A more secure economy. Greater energy capacity. And, above all, a political culture capable of turning Ethiopia's diversity from a source of recurring confrontation into a foundation for common purpose. That is what made the week significant. It was not simply a week of milestones. It was a week that offered another glimpse of the Ethiopia being built for tomorrow.

By Staff Writer August 9, 2026 (ENA) The world experienced another turbulent week as armed conflicts, geopolitical rivalries, diplomatic maneuvering, economic pressures, climate stress and humanitarian emergencies continued to reinforce one another. From persistent wars and renewed security tensions to fragile ceasefire efforts and intensified diplomatic initiatives, governments and international organizations faced growing pressure to contain crises before they spread beyond their immediate theatres. At the same time, disruptions to energy supplies and maritime routes continued to expose the vulnerability of the global economy to geopolitical shocks, with uncertainty affecting oil prices, shipping costs, trade flows and inflationary pressures. The week also highlighted the increasingly interconnected nature of global crises. Conflict and insecurity continued to drive displacement and humanitarian needs, while extreme weather events, wildfires, floods and prolonged climate pressures placed additional strain on communities already facing economic hardship. Food security remained a concern in several vulnerable regions as conflict, disrupted supply chains and climate related shocks threatened agricultural production and access to essential commodities. Meanwhile, migration pressures continued to rise as people sought safety and economic opportunities across borders, creating additional challenges for governments and humanitarian agencies. Beyond immediate crises, major powers continued to compete for strategic influence, particularly over energy resources, critical trade corridors, emerging technologies and military capabilities. Diplomatic engagement remained active as states sought to prevent escalation, negotiate settlements and protect their economic and security interests. Yet the persistence of competing geopolitical agendas demonstrated the limits of diplomacy when trust between major actors remains weak. Taken together, the week's developments underscored a world facing multiple, interconnected risks rather than isolated crises. Conflict, economic uncertainty, climate emergencies and humanitarian pressures increasingly overlap, creating a fragile international environment in which a political or security shock in one region can rapidly produce consequences far beyond its borders. Peace and Security The confrontation involving Iran and the United States remained the week's most consequential international development. Sustained uncertainty surrounding the Strait of Hormuz continued to threaten global energy and maritime shipping markets. By the end of the week, the dispute had increasingly shifted from the battlefield toward the question of who would control and regulate shipping through the strategic waterway. Media reports indicated that Tehran said an agreement with Oman had been reached on parameters for a proposed shipping route through Hormuz, but Iranian officials subsequently stressed that the arrangement alone would not be sufficient to fully reopen the waterway. Diplomatic efforts to forge a path toward negotiations proceeded alongside intensifying military and political pressure. Tehran maintained demands for specific guarantees before fully reopening the Strait of Hormuz, while Washington faced growing urgency to decide whether military action or diplomacy offers a sustainable solution. The prolonged disruption of Hormuz has already affected businesses, employment and migrant workers across the Gulf, demonstrating that the crisis is no longer simply an energy security problem. Some media outlets noted that disruption to shipping and economic activity has affected sectors ranging from events and tourism to employment and foreign currency earnings. The ramifications of this standoff extend far beyond the region. As one of the world's premier energy corridors, prolonged disruption in the Strait could spike crude oil prices, drive up global freight tariffs, and reignite domestic inflationary pressures worldwide. The Times of India reported that Brent crude rose above 83 USD per barrel on August 7 as uncertainty persisted over the reopening of Hormuz. Reuters similarly reported that Brent gained more than 1 USD on Friday amid uncertainty over the terms of a possible reopening agreement. The conflicting demands over shipping access, transit fees, sanctions and insurance restrictions mean that even a diplomatic agreement may not immediately restore normal commercial traffic. Simultaneously, the conflict in Gaza remained unresolved. Talks over a long-term framework continued, but major sticking points, including Hamas's disarmament, Israeli military withdrawals, and post war security arrangements, obstructed a durable settlement. Meanwhile, severe humanitarian distress across the territory remained a critical concern for the international community. Geopolitics and Shifting Alliances Beyond active conflicts, the week demonstrated a continuing transformation of the international security order as countries reassessed traditional alliances and sought new strategic partnerships. Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan moved forward with a trilateral defence arrangement linking major powers from the Middle East and South Asia. Ankara subsequently stressed that the agreement was not directed against Iran, reflecting the delicate balance being pursued by countries seeking stronger security cooperation without necessarily becoming parties to another regional confrontation. The Indo Pacific remained another major arena of strategic competition. Pacific island governments faced growing pressure to balance relations with China, the United States, Australia and New Zealand while protecting their own sovereignty and development interests. The dispute surrounding China's recent ballistic missile test exposed divisions within the Pacific Islands Forum. Some governments expressed concern about the strategic implications of the test, while Beijing maintained that the launch was part of routine military activity and sought to reassure Pacific partners. China simultaneously intensified diplomatic engagement with Pacific Island states. Beijing presented its cooperation as supportive of national sovereignty and development choices and sought to distinguish its approach from what it describes as conditional or bloc-based diplomacy. The episode illustrates that strategic competition in the Pacific is increasingly being pursued through diplomacy, development assistance and political influence as well as military capabilities. The broader contest between major powers is therefore no longer confined to traditional military alliances. Energy access, infrastructure, maritime routes, trade, technology, development financing and diplomatic influence have all become instruments of geopolitical competition. Economic Risks and Global Trade Economic vulnerability emerged as one of the clearest themes of the week. The disruption around Hormuz demonstrated how quickly a security crisis can become a global economic problem. Higher oil prices can increase transportation and production costs, while prolonged shipping disruption can raise freight rates and insurance premiums. For countries heavily dependent on imported energy, the consequences can include higher inflation, pressure on currencies and greater strain on household incomes. India has particular exposure because of its energy imports, extensive commercial links with the Gulf and large overseas workforce in the region. The Hormuz crisis therefore represents not only a foreign policy challenge for New Delhi but also a direct economic and human security concern. China, meanwhile, has continued to emphasize the broader consequences of geopolitical fragmentation for global production, maritime commerce and employment. Prolonged confrontation threatens the economic interdependence on which international trade has been built. The same vulnerabilities are visible in Europe, where disruptions to the Black Sea have affected agricultural and energy exports, and in the Red Sea, where insecurity has forced vessels to reconsider traditional routes. Canada offered a contrasting economic signal during the week, reporting stronger than expected labour conditions in July, with unemployment falling to a two year low despite continuing trade tensions and the effects of US tariffs. Taken together, these developments suggest that geopolitical fragmentation is becoming a structural economic risk rather than simply a temporary source of market volatility. Humanitarian and Public Health Emergencies Humanitarian concerns remained closely linked to armed conflict and economic instability during the week. The Democratic Republic of Congo continued confronting a serious Ebola outbreak, with the epidemic concentrated particularly in Ituri and North Kivu. The outbreak has placed additional pressure on health authorities operating in areas already affected by insecurity, displacement and limited infrastructure. Available epidemiological figures demonstrate the scale of the crisis. By late July, thousands of cases and more than a thousand deaths had been recorded, underscoring the continuing strain on health authorities and humanitarian agencies. The outbreak illustrates the difficulty of managing major health emergencies in areas already affected by insecurity and displacement. Public health responses must operate alongside humanitarian operations and conflict management, making containment considerably more difficult. The World Health Organization (WHO) also marked World Breastfeeding Week from August 1 to 7, drawing attention to the need to strengthen support for mothers and infants. The observance provided a reminder that global health priorities continue even as governments concentrate on wars, security crises and economic shocks. Climate and Environmental Pressures Climate related disruption added another layer of vulnerability to the international picture. Europe experienced severe heat and drought conditions, with unusually low water levels along the Danube exposing historical wartime shipwrecks. Beyond the striking historical discovery, the falling water levels highlighted the vulnerability of inland waterways that support trade, transport and industrial activity. Extreme weather increasingly threatens infrastructure and supply chains at a time when geopolitical tensions are already putting pressure on global commodity flows. Drought can affect agricultural production and river transport, while extreme heat can strain electricity systems and damage infrastructure. The combination of climate stress and geopolitical instability is particularly significant because both can produce food price increases, migration pressures and competition over resources. Conclusion Taken together, the week's developments reveal a world in which conflicts, economic shocks, geopolitical rivalry, climate pressures and humanitarian emergencies are increasingly interconnected. The Strait of Hormuz is not simply an Iranian American security dispute. Its disruption can affect oil prices, shipping costs, inflation and employment thousands of kilometres away. The war in Ukraine is not confined to Eastern Europe, as attacks on Black Sea infrastructure affect agricultural and energy exports. The week's developments offered another warning that military confrontation can rapidly become an economic crisis, while economic insecurity can deepen humanitarian pressures and political instability. The world remains deeply divided over security, sovereignty and the future international order. Yet the interconnected nature of today's crises also makes cooperation more necessary. Preventing escalation, protecting global trade routes, maintaining humanitarian access and strengthening multilateral diplomacy will remain essential to containing the risks of an increasingly volatile international system. NB: This weekly review draws on reporting and analysis from major international and regional media outlets, including Reuters, AP, AFP, CNN, ABC, The Times of India, China Daily, Global Times, and South China Morning Post.

Addis Ababa, August 9, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said the Prosperity Party (PP) will place citizens’ wellbeing and tangible improvements in their daily lives at the center of its priorities over the next five years. In an interview with the Oromia Broadcasting Network (OBN), Prime Minister Abiy outlined an ambitious agenda spanning food sovereignty, public services, technology, energy, agriculture and urban development. The Premier revealed that the government will pursue a range of initiatives designed to ensure that the benefits of development reach citizens more directly and improve their quality of life. He identified the ongoing national dialogue as a key instrument for addressing Ethiopia’s longstanding political and social challenges, saying it could help resolve problems that have accumulated over generations and contribute to lasting solutions. The Prime Minister also underscored food sovereignty as a strategic priority for Ethiopia’s economic transformation, both at the regional and national levels. He said the government will intensify efforts to improve public service delivery while taking stronger measures against corruption, theft and inefficiency.   Elected officials, he added, have a responsibility to honor the commitments they made to citizens during the election and deliver meaningful results. Technology, according to Abiy, will be central to this effort. The government plans to expand the use of digital technologies across sectors to make public services more accessible, efficient and responsive to citizens’ needs. Speaking on the nation’s energy ambitions, the Prime Minister highlighted major energy initiatives expected to shape Ethiopia’s development trajectory over the coming years, including the country’s ambition to generate nuclear power for the first time. He described the nuclear energy program as a historic undertaking for Ethiopia and Africa, saying it could lay an important foundation for future generations. Abiy also pointed to Ethiopia’s emerging natural gas sector, noting that the country had pursued the development of its gas resources for decades but had previously struggled to fully utilize them.   He said Ethiopia is now extracting natural gas and developing industries that can use it as an industrial input. Some vehicles previously powered by diesel are also being converted to natural gas, with wider deployment of natural-gas-powered vehicles expected in the coming months. Acknowledging agriculture as central to Ethiopia’s food sovereignty, the Prime Minister said the sector remains a cornerstone of the country’s economy, livelihoods and national production. He emphasized expanding farmers’ access to fertilizer, irrigation, agricultural machinery and modern technologies to raise productivity and strengthen food sovereignty. Machinery is being imported to support the construction of fertilizer production facilities, while irrigation schemes are being expanded in different parts of the country, he said. The Premier noted that increased land cultivation and cluster farming have already contributed to higher agricultural output, adding that the government will continue to expand these efforts. Expanding irrigation, he stressed, is particularly important to enable farmers to produce throughout the year rather than relying predominantly on seasonal rainfall. Domestic fertilizer production, the PM added, will help reduce dependence on external supplies while strengthening Ethiopia’s capacity to meet its agricultural input needs.   The Prime Minister also highlighted Bishoftu International Airport under construction in Bishoftu as a landmark project with significance extending beyond Ethiopia, describing it as a major investment in the country’s future air transport and economic development. On urban development, PM Abiy said the government’s urban modernization and corridor development programs are ultimately aimed at transforming cities and improving the quality of services available to residents. The initiatives are designed to expand access to housing, clean water, electricity, street lighting and other essential services, while bringing education and healthcare facilities closer to communities. Beyond infrastructure, the projects are expected to generate employment, stimulate innovation and create more livable urban environments, he said. Pm Abiy said the experience gained from Addis Ababa’s urban modernization efforts will provide a foundation for transforming cities across Ethiopia’s regions during the next five years.

By Staff Writer August 9, 2026 (ENA) The Horn of Africa is once again facing the danger of military and political escalation as renewed manoeuvring involving Eritrea, illegal TPLF-led political and military actors, and other regional and external forces threatens to undermine the fragile peace achieved after years of devastating conflict. At the centre of these concerns is Tigray, a region still struggling to recover from the destruction, displacement and human suffering caused by the 2020 to 2022 war. The conflict ended with the signing of the Pretoria Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA), creating an opportunity for the region to pursue reconstruction, reconciliation and political dialogue. That opportunity remains fragile. Reports of renewed military contacts involving Eritrean officials and former TPLF military figures inside Tigray have raised concerns that political disagreements could once again be transformed into military calculations. Against the backdrop of tensions involving Ethiopia, Eritrea, Egypt and armed groups in the region, such developments risk turning Ethiopia’s internal political challenges into a wider regional confrontation. The central concern is not merely which political actors may gain from renewed alliances, but who will bear the consequences if those alliances lead to another conflict. For the people of Tigray, particularly its youth, the answer is painfully familiar. Foreign Military Involvement One of the most troubling issues is the reported engagement of Eritrean military officials with banned TPLF military figures inside Tigray. Reports of meetings involving Eritrean and TPLF faction leaders on Ethiopian territory have raised questions about the purpose, authorization and implications of such contacts. If confirmed, the presence of foreign military officials inside Ethiopian territory without the authorization of the federal government would raise serious questions concerning national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Tigray is an integral regional state of Ethiopia and should not become a platform for external military calculations or geopolitical competition. The timing is also significant. Northern Ethiopia needs reconstruction, economic recovery, reconciliation and political stability. Renewed military engagement risks diverting attention and resources away from these priorities while creating an atmosphere in which mistrust and mobilisation can once again flourish. Ethiopia’s federal government and people have repeatedly expressed a desire to avoid another war, including renewed confrontation with Eritrea. Preserving that restraint requires all actors to avoid steps that could create facts on the ground and gradually transform political tensions into military confrontation. Eritrea's Regime History of Regional Confrontation The current concerns are also being viewed against Eritrea’s broader regional history. Since its independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Asmara has been involved in a series of military disputes and diplomatic tensions with neighbouring countries. The Ethiopia Eritrea border war of 1998 to 2000 remains the clearest illustration of how political and territorial disputes can escalate into devastating conflict. Tens of thousands of people were killed before the Algiers Agreement brought the major hostilities to an end. The 2018 rapprochement between Addis Ababa and Asmara marked a dramatic improvement in relations and raised hopes for a lasting transformation in the relationship between the two countries. Yet unresolved security concerns and competing strategic interests have continued to shape the politics of the region. Eritrea has also experienced serious disputes and security tensions involving Yemen, Djibouti and Sudan. Critics of Asmara have consequently accused the Eritrean government of relying heavily on military pressure, strategic alliances and security calculations to advance its regional interests. Whatever the interpretation of these episodes, the history demonstrates the danger of allowing regional disputes to become militarised. The Horn of Africa has repeatedly paid a heavy price when political disagreements are settled through force rather than sustained diplomacy. Danger of Proxy Politics The wider geopolitical environment makes the current situation even more complicated. Egypt’s strategic rivalry with Ethiopia, particularly over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and competing interests in the Nile Basin and Red Sea, has added another dimension to regional calculations. Any alignment between external actors and domestic political forces around Ethiopia’s internal divisions could deepen instability. The possibility of competing regional interests converging around armed groups or political factions creates the risk of turning domestic disputes into a proxy confrontation. The reported network involving the TPLF, Eritrea, Fano aligned forces and external actors such as Egypt is therefore particularly concerning. The alliance sometimes referred to as “Tsimdo” could, if it develops into a coordinated political or military arrangement, turn Tigray region of Ethiopia and neighbouring areas into an arena for competing strategic interests. Such arrangements may provide short term tactical advantages to individual actors. But alliances formed around a common opponent can be inherently unstable. Once immediate interests change, former partners can become rivals, leaving civilians to bear the consequences of conflicts they did not create. For Eritrea, deeper involvement in Ethiopia’s internal affairs could expose its own population to another costly regional confrontation. For Fano aligned forces, cooperation with former adversaries could transform political grievances into a broader conflict with national and ethnic dimensions. For external actors, using Ethiopia’s internal divisions to advance strategic interests could further destabilise an already fragile region. The People of Tigray Must Not Pay The greatest danger is that young Tigrayans could once again become the human cost of decisions made by political and military elites. At the heart of this threat is Eritrea’s regime, whose long-established reliance on proxy actors and military adventurism has repeatedly undermined peace efforts and fueled instability across the Horn of Africa. The region’s youth have already endured violence, displacement, economic hardship and interrupted education. Thousands of families continue to face the consequences of a conflict that disrupted livelihoods. Reports of renewed recruitment and alleged coercive mobilisation in Tigray region have therefore intensified public concern. Such allegations require serious scrutiny, transparency and accountability. Any effort to rebuild armed structures or mobilise young people for another confrontation would threaten not only immediate security but also the future of an entire generation. Tigray does not need another mobilisation campaign. It needs functioning schools, hospitals, roads, businesses and institutions. Its young people need opportunities to study, work and build families rather than being placed once again in the path of war. The political future of Tigray region must consequently be pursued through dialogue and legitimate political processes. Attempts to regain influence through armed confrontation would risk repeating the very tragedy from which the region is still recovering. A renewed Ethiopia Eritrea confrontation would not remain confined to the border between the two countries. The Horn of Africa is interconnected through security, trade, migration, political alliances and strategic interests. Another war could draw in armed groups, neighbouring states and external powers, producing a crisis whose humanitarian and economic consequence would be difficult to contain. It could disrupt trade routes, increase displacement, deepen food insecurity and divert resources from development and reconstruction. For Ethiopia, renewed conflict would threaten economic progress and divert national attention from domestic development priorities. For Eritrea, another confrontation could impose further human and economic costs on a population that has already experienced prolonged militarisation. For Tigray, the consequences could be catastrophic, given the region’s unfinished recovery from the previous war. The wider lesson is clear: military confrontation rarely remains under the control of those who initiate it. Once violence begins, political calculations can quickly give way to humanitarian catastrophe. All the people of Tigray Should struggle to enhance peace and stability in their region through preserving the Pretoria peace agreement and denying the defunct TPLF leaders who made unholy marriage with internal and external enemies to engage the people in a devastating war. The Pretoria cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) demonstrated that even one of the Horn of Africa’s most destructive conflicts could be brought to an end through negotiation. Its significance extends beyond the cessation of hostilities. It created an opportunity for political dialogue and recovery after years of devastating violence. That opportunity should not be undermined by renewed military preparations. If Eritrean authorities are engaging with political or military actors inside Tigray, transparency is essential. Such engagement should respect Ethiopia’s sovereignty and contribute to peace rather than destabilisation. The TPLF belligerent political and military actors, for their part, must recognise that armed confrontation cannot provide a sustainable solution to political disagreements. The Ethiopian government also has a responsibility to maintain restraint while addressing security concerns through lawful and diplomatic channels. In this regard, the federal government has gone to considerable lengths to demonstrate maximum restraint despite mounting security concerns and repeated provocations. Preventing another war requires more than military preparedness; it requires sustained political engagement, confidence-building, and a genuine willingness by all sides to resolve disputes through dialogue rather than force. The same principle applies to external actors. Regional and international powers should support peace, reconstruction and dialogue rather than encourage political divisions that could produce another cycle of violence. The Horn of Africa has suffered enough from conflicts fueled by mistrust, rivalry and military adventurism. The region now faces a choice between protecting the fragile gains of peace and allowing political calculations to reopen one of its most destructive fault lines. Tigray must not become a battlefield for regional rivalries. Ethiopian territory must not become a stage for unauthorized foreign military manoeuvring. And the youth of Tigray must not once again be sacrificed for the ambitions of competing political and military elites. The responsibility rests with all actors. Eritrea must avoid actions that threaten Ethiopia’s sovereignty or regional stability. Political forces in Tigray region must pursue their objectives through peaceful political means. Ethiopia must continue to use restraint and diplomacy. Regional and external powers must resist the temptation to exploit internal divisions for strategic advantage. The consequences of failure would extend far beyond the immediate political actors. Families would once again lose loved ones, communities would face displacement, development would be disrupted, and another generation would inherit the burdens of war. Conclusion The Horn of Africa stands at a critical moment. The region has an opportunity to consolidate the peace achieved through negotiation or to repeat the destructive patterns of the past. For Tigray, the priority should be recovery, reconciliation and rebuilding. For Ethiopia and Eritrea, it should be preventing another confrontation that could inflict enormous costs on both populations. For regional and external actors, the responsibility should be to support stability rather than deepen existing divisions. The Pretoria agreement showed that dialogue can succeed where war cannot. Its promise must therefore be protected from renewed militarisation and political adventurism. The people of Tigray have already paid too high a price for war. Their future should not be determined by military alliances forged behind closed doors or by geopolitical calculations made far from the communities that would suffer their consequences. The choice before the region is ultimately simple: preserve peace and give a generation the opportunity to rebuild or allow military adventurism to reopen a conflict whose wounds have not yet healed. The Horn of Africa can ill afford to make the wrong choice.

By Yimer Ayele (from POA) August 9, 2026 (ENA) Contrary to popular belief and the UN's designation of Egypt as water-scarce, the nation possesses immense water potentials that remain largely underreported and misunderstood. Egypt’s water security is often portrayed as precarious, primarily due to its heavy reliance on the Nile River and the challenges posed by climate change and population growth. However, a closer examination reveals a wealth of hidden resources and strategic infrastructure that position Egypt as a water rich nation with significant untapped potential. These resources include the vast reservoirs behind the Aswan High Dam, the immense Nubian Sandstone Aquifer System, advancements in desalination technology, and regional cooperation through the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). Recognizing and harnessing these resources is essential not only for Egypt’s future but also for redefining regional water narratives across Africa and beyond. At the core of Egypt’s water resilience is Lake Nasser, stored behind the Aswan High Dam. This massive reservoir holds approximately 169 billion cubic meters of water, acting as a strategic buffer against both seasonal flooding and periods of drought. The dam’s ability to regulate flow has historically safeguarded Egypt’s agriculture, industry, and domestic water needs. Yet, the story does not end there. Beyond Lake Nasser lies the Nubian Sandstone Aquifer System (NSAS), the world’s largest known fossil water underground reservoir. Spanning over two million square kilometers across Egypt, Libya, Sudan, and Chad, the NSAS contains an estimated 150,000 cubic kilometers of water. This underground aquifer is a silent, yet potent, resource that far exceeds the Nile’s discharge over five centuries, representing a strategic reserve that Egypt and neighboring countries can tap into for decades to come. The sheer scale of this resource underscores Egypt’s hidden water wealth and potential for long-term resilience. The aquifer’s existence challenges the narrative of water scarcity and opens avenues for sophisticated, sustainable extraction strategies that can complement surface water sources. In addition to these underground and surface reserves, Egypt has made significant strides in desalination—producing roughly 1.5 to 2 million cubic meters of desalinated water daily. The country has launched a strategic master plan through 2050 that aims to multiply desalination capacity utilizing public-private partnerships, green grants, and coastal expansion projects. The integration of renewable energy, especially solar power, into desalination facilities can be a cornerstone of Egypt’s sustainable water future, aligning with global efforts to reduce carbon footprints and harness green energy sources. Egypt’s water strategy should also encompass regional cooperation, exemplified by Ethiopia’s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). This mega hydropower project, while primarily aimed at electricity generation, exemplifies regional collaboration that benefits downstream countries. The dam helps regulate the Blue Nile’s flow, trapping sediments, and reducing downstream siltation that historically degraded reservoirs like Lake Nasser. It also ensures a more consistent water release, reducing extreme floods and droughts and extending reservoir lifespan through sediment trapping. Ethiopia’s focus on hydropower for electricity rather than mass diversion for irrigation exemplifies a sustainable approach that aligns with Egypt’s needs and regional stability. Egypt’s water story must shift to one of resilience, strategic resource management, and regional cooperation. It must shift to a narrative that highlights the immense hidden potential—vast underground aquifers, advanced desalination capacity, and collaborative water governance—that must be communicated globally. The misconception of Egypt as a water-scarce country overlooks these critical resources and innovations. Recognizing and harnessing Egypt’s true water potential is essential for ensuring sustainable development, regional stability, and a resilient future for all. The world must be told the truth: Egypt is not just a water-scarce country but a water-rich nation with enormous, largely untapped resources that can secure its future for generations to come. However, Egypt is actively pursuing massive desert development projects—such as the New Delta agricultural scheme and the new city of Jirian—by shifting the natural course of the Nile and reallocating billions of cubic meters of Nile water to supply new farming and urban areas. The Egyptian desert where Nile waters have been diverted (such as through the Toshka Project or spillways from Lake Nasser) is the Western Desert. This vast arid region experiences extreme heat, leading to high evaporation rates in artificial lakes and open irrigation canals. Egypt must be more transparent not only in the wasteful practice observable in the ways that the northern Africa country is diverting the natural course of the Nile, but also in declaring truth concerning the immense water buried underground across vast area of land.It is spectacular how Egypt managed to bamboozle the whole world, portraying itself as a water-scarce country. It is not!

ddis Ababa, August 9, 2026 (ENA) —The Ethiopian National Dialogue Conference is laying the foundation for building a generation and a nation grounded in the supremacy of ideas, according to participants. In an exclusive interview with ENA, participants emphasized that the discussions are centered on building broad consensus around eight major national agendas drawn from diverse segments of society, including nations and nationalities from across Ethiopia. The conference, which has been underway at the Addis International Convention Center since July 15, 2026, has brought together 4,000 representatives of Ethiopians from across the country and abroad for an inclusive dialogue on issues of national importance. Dereje Bogale, one of the participants, emphasized that the dialogue provides an opportunity for participants to freely exchange ideas and engage in constructive discussions. He further noted that the deliberations are intended to benefit future generations. The conference aims to identify the root causes of the country's longstanding challenges, propose practical solutions and create a historic foundation for a more peaceful and united Ethiopia, Dereje clarified. He also pointed out that the dialogue will help strengthen unity and enable Ethiopia to move to a higher chapter. Another participant, Gebeyaw Deboye, described the national dialogue as essential to Ethiopia's peace and development, saying the conference offers a significant opportunity to strengthen national unity and help the country advance toward a better future. Similarly, participant Abera Monamo said the conference has created a platform for broad and inclusive participation, emphasizing that national unity remains a top priority. He expressed confidence that the dialogue would make a significant contribution to Ethiopia's development and the consolidation of sustainable peace. The participants further noted that the success of the national dialogue depends on open discussion, mutual understanding and willingness to address the root causes of national challenges through ideas and consensus rather than confrontation.

Addis Ababa, August 8, 2026 (ENA) —Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said TPLF is pursuing an outdated political ideology and leadership approach that is incompatible with Ethiopia’s current political realities. Recently, the defunct TPLF has openly violated the Pretoria Peace Agreement and has been preparing for a renewed conflict. In a wide-ranging interview with the Oromia Broadcasting Network (OBN), Prime Minister Abiy described the TPLF as a political force attempting to destabilize Ethiopia through obsolete strategies and alliances that, he said, serve external actors with longstanding strategic interests in weakening the country. The Prime Minister said the TPLF remains trapped in the political thinking and methods that shaped its rise to power in the early 1990s, despite having governed Ethiopia for 27 years before leaving office. He reveled that the group continues to portray itself as a liberation movement while pursuing narrow organizational interests rather than the broader interests of the people of Tigray. PM Abiy further explained that the TPLF seeks to use armed groups operating in other parts of Ethiopia as instruments to advance its objectives, rather than engaging them as equal political partners.   He said this reflects a broader strategy aimed at weakening the Ethiopian state and creating conditions for instability. The Prime Minister also notes that the TPLF is acting as a proxy for external interests, arguing that its current political and military posture aligns with efforts to undermine Ethiopia’s sovereignty and strategic position. However, he underlined that the political formula through which the TPLF assumed power decades ago excluded broad sections of Ethiopia’s population. Meanwhile, this has already become outdated and cannot be replicated under today’s political conditions, the Prime Minister said.   Ethiopia’s political awareness, public participation, and democratic engagement have changed fundamentally, he stated, making the strategies of previous decades obsolete. The Premier said Ethiopia has undergone significant political reforms that have expanded democratic space and opened opportunities for peaceful political competition. He noted that following the reform process, many political prisoners were released, although he indicated that some later engaged in violent activities. He also highlighted that political parties representing diverse ideological positions are participating in government institutions and that a National Dialogue process is underway to ensure broader public participation and seek long-term political solutions. The Prime Minister said many armed fighters are returning to civilian life after accepting the government’s peace initiative, and he reaffirmed that the government remains committed to dialogue. "The door to peace remains open," PM Abiy said, reiterating that any group willing to pursue peaceful political engagement and dialogue would be welcomed.

Addis Ababa, August 8, 2026 (ENA) — Eritrea’s long-entrenched leadership has continued hindering regional stability and development, Uppsala University Professor Ashok Swain said. The Peace and Conflict Research professor at the Swedish university noted that the Eritrean leadership is once again playing a disruptive role in the Horn of Africa instead of delivering meaningful national development. In an exclusive interview with ENA, he stated that the regime in Asmara has maintained a belligerent posture in the aftermath of the Pretoria Peace Agreement, which brought an end to the devastating conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. Recent reports indicate that the Eritrean military forces, in total disrespect of international law, have entered Tigray, Ethiopia’s northernmost territory, re-igniting concerns over Asmara’s activities in regional destabilization. The Eritrean regime, recognized as the primary party opposed to the Pretoria Peace Agreement, is actively supporting the "Tsimdo" anti-Ethiopia alliance. Under the guise of this alliance, the regime is openly using a faction of the banned Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) as a proxy to re-ignite war against Ethiopia, militarize Tigray, and plunge the region into a devastating war. Rather than contributing to regional stability, Eritrea has been acting in a manner consistent with violating Ethiopia’s territorial integrity, Professor Swain noted. “What we have seen in recent months, especially after the peace deal in Tigray, is Eritrea not acting the way it should when it comes to respecting Ethiopia’s sovereignty,” he said. Concerns about Eritrea’s conduct are rooted in a long history of conflict between the two neighboring countries. The 1998–2000 Ethio-Eritrean war claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and left lasting scars across the region. Those tensions appeared to ease in 2018 when Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed initiated a historic peace agreement with Eritrea, ending two decades of hostility and raising hopes for a new era of regional cooperation. The agreement earned Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed the Nobel Peace Prize and was widely welcomed across the Horn of Africa. Professor Swain said those expectations have largely collapsed due to the acts of the Eritrean leadership. Addressing Ethiopia’s parliament earlier this year, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed explained his government’s policy of restraint despite growing tensions with Eritrea. “For five years, we appealed and exercised patience,” the premier told the lawmakers. “After we came to office, we tried to move away from past grievances, believing it was unnecessary to dwell on them.” PM Abiy rejected suggestions that current tensions were driven by Ethiopia’s interest in accessing the Red Sea, arguing that relations deteriorated during the Tigray war. He revealed that Eritrean forces entered areas behind Ethiopian positions, committed serious abuses and destroyed civilian properties. Those abuses intensified tensions. “When our the defense forces moved out of Axum, Eritrean forces entered the town and carried out mass killings of young people. And when our forces reached Adigrat town, they saw the pharmaceutical factory looted. These acts escalated tensions”, the PM elaborated. Professor Swain linked Eritrea’s regional behavior to its domestic political system, describing the country as being governed by an authoritarian leadership with a long record of repression and human rights abuses. “We all know that Eritrea has been ruled by a force which is not democratic, with all sorts of human rights violations and authoritarianism,” he noted. Reflecting on Eritrea’s post-independence trajectory, the professor said the country had squandered a historic opportunity. “I was in Eritrea in the early 1990s. Those were hopeful days. Eritrea was expected to develop, but that opportunity has been completely lost. “The development in Eritrea has not really taken place. Instead of contributing to development, infrastructure, and nation-building, Eritrea has increasingly become associated with creating instability in the region.” In contrast, he described Ethiopia as a larger and more economically dynamic state with significant development ambitions and a broader responsibility for regional stability. “Ethiopia is a larger country, a bigger country, and economically much stronger than Eritrea,” he said. “It has a role as a responsible regional power.” However, Professor Swain stressed the need for a diplomatic response rather than military escalation.